SAOIRSE32

RTE

10 December 2005 15:19

A new independent lobbying organisation has been set up in the United States to secure working visas for an estimated 25,000 illegal Irish immigrants.

The Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform is currently meeting in New York.

Earlier this month, US President George W Bush laid out his blueprint for immigration reform.


Proposals have also been published by Republican Senators John Kyl and John Cornyn.

The Dáil has officially backed plans by Democratic Senator Ted Kennedy and Republican John McCain.

It is likely that elements of all three will go into legislation aimed at tackling the biggest immigration problem the US has ever faced.

There are estimated to be 11 million undocumented workers in the US, amongst them an estimated 25,000 Irish.

The Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform pulls together prominent Irish American businessmen along with former Congressman Bruce Morrison, author of the Morrison Visas, and publisher Niall O'Dowd.

Its aim is to ensure that Irish immigrants do not get left behind in any deal which may emerge.

It is expected that immigration reform will become one of the biggest domestic issues on President Bush's agenda next year.

Guardian

**See also CIA rendition flights,
Seized, held, tortured: six tell same tale and CIA torture jet

Gerard Seenan and Giles Tremlett
Saturday December 10, 2005
The Guardian



Paul last saw the Gulfstream V about 18 months ago. He comes down to Glasgow airport's planespotters' club most days. He had not seen the plane before so he marked the serial number down in his book. At the time, he did not think there was anything unusual about the Gulfstream being ushered to a stand away from public view, one that could not be seen from the airport terminal or the club's prime view.

But that flight this week was at the centre of a transatlantic row that saw the prime minister being put on the spot on the floor of the House of Commons and the US secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, forced on the defensive during a visit to Europe. The Gulfstream V has been identified as having been used by the CIA for "extraordinary renditions" - abducting terror suspects and taking them to secret prisons around the world where they may be tortured.

The recording of flights by spotters like Paul from places as far afield as Bournemouth and Karachi has unintentionally played a significant role in helping journalists and human rights groups expose the scale of the CIA's renditions system. But his impact on such international intrigue largely passes Paul by. "It's not the CIA bit that interests us. You don't even know who owns the plane when you take down the serial number," he said, already distracted as something comes in to land through the grey drizzle. "You keep accurate logs, for your own records."

At the door of the shabby end terrace which houses the Glasgow Airport Aviation Enthusiasts Club, Paul is considering how his hobby got him tangled in such a complex web. "We know now that these planes are run by the CIA, but it's not something we set out to know," he said. "I have seen the planes land in daytime and I've seen them land at nighttime. You never see anyone get off them. Most of the time they are just coming in to refuel, but the ones coming in at night you would expect to see people getting off. But you don't - at least, I never have."

Broadly, planespotters fall into three categories: those who like to take serial numbers, those who like to take photographs, and those who indulge in both.

About 40 miles away, on a mound exposed to wind and rain near the freight terminals of Prestwick airport, Stephen, lugging a lens more commonly used by paparazzi lurking in the undergrowth, is setting up a tripod waiting to see what will land today.

He knows it won't be as exciting as July, when the planes of G8 leaders and their secret service entourages landed at Prestwick, but he's hoping for a good day.

"It's my day off, so I've come over to Prestwick, but I'll go to Glasgow and Edinburgh as well," he said. "I do it mostly for myself - it's been a passion since I was child - but I'll post good photographs on websites too."

Stephen clicks the shutter. He doesn't think this one will make airliners.net, his favourite planespotting website. But he'll add it to the collection of hundreds of other plane photographs.

Despite the particular eccentricity of planespotting - and the obvious capacity for fun-poking - it is not a pastime limited to Britain. In Spain town planner Josep Manchado is part of a small group who gather with their long lenses and foil-wrapped sandwiches at Majorca's Son Sant Joan airport.

In January last year Mr Manchado saw a Boeing 737 on the airport tarmac. He pressed his camera shutter button while speculating idly that some US millionaire was in town. Then he put the picture of the Boeing (tail fin number N313P) on airliners.net, and forgot about it.

Within a few days Mr Manchado starting getting strange calls and emails. They came from the US and from Sweden. "People were asking me questions about the plane. They obviously weren't all planespotters because they were asking questions that people who know about planes don't ask," he said.

Activists and journalists had become interested in the rendition flights. There were also, however, strange calls. "One man wanted to buy up all the photos. He eventually sent me a form in which he asked for everything, including my home address. I didn't give it to him and I never heard from him again," he said.

Months later, he got a call from Germany's ZDF television. A man called Khalid El-Masri had come to them claiming he had been kidnapped by the CIA from Macedonia, bundled onto a plane and taken off to a prison many hours away. Several months later, after allegedly being tortured, he was flown back and dropped in Albania.

One of the planes thought to be involved was one Mr Manchado had photographed. It was believed that it had flown on to Macedonia that very same day. With the photo in their hand, ZDF reporters were able to persuade Skopje flight control to give them a printout of the flight plan. The aircraft had gone from Palma to Skopje and from there to Baghdad and Kabul. Mr El-Masri's story, convincingly told but difficult to believe, fitted.

For those prepared to sift through the endless information complied by planespotters and posted on websites, there are many more clues to the CIA's activities to be found. In Ireland peace campaigners have turned themselves into planespotters.

At Shannon airport Tim Hourigan uses a scanner that allows him to see what air traffic control sees, and he, and other activists, religiously note down the numbers of landing planes. Then, using a combination of Federal Airport Authority Records and planespotting websites, they can track the movements of intelligence planes across the world. "It is a tedious job looking through hundreds of pictures of planes," says Mr Hourigan, who is not a planespotting enthusiast. "But it allows you to confirm and expose the activities of the CIA and our own government."

The planespotters have been given first names only, as they asked not to be identified.

BreakingNews.ie

10/12/2005 - 16:01:31

A Dublin man appeared at a special sitting of the Special Criminal Court today in connection with the discovery of a bomb in a car at the Westlink toll bridge on Thursday night.

Martin O’Rourke (aged 22), of Sheepmore Grove, Blanchardstown was charge with the unlawful possession of an improvised explosive device at the Westlink Toll Plaza, Castleknock on Devember 8.

He was also charged with membership of an unlawful organisation styling itself the Irish Republican Army, otherwise Oglaigh na hEireann, otherwise the IRA on the same date.

Detective Garda Brian Cagney of the Special Detective Unit gave evidence of arresting O’ Rourke at Clondalkin Garda Station. The court remanded O’ Rourke in custody until Tuesday next.

Belfast Telegraph

By Michelle Grogan
newsdesk@belfasttelegraph.co.uk
10 December 2005

THE world's first interactive website promoting the human rights of children was being showcased at the Guildhall in Derry today.

Its aim is to promote children's rights and tell young people about them in a way that they can understand.

The project launch - said to be the first of its kind anywhere in the world - is part of an event celebrating National Human Rights Day.

Developed by children for children, www.knowurrights.org is a result of a partnership between Derry Children's Commission, Save the Children and The Nerve Centre.

Funding and expertise as a global children's rights organisation has been provided by Save the Children.

Belfast Telegraph

Equally angry on two fronts

10 December 2005

THE Equality Commission has come under fire from unionists and republicans over its findings on the religious make-up of Northern Ireland's public and private sector workforces.

Chief commissioner Bob Collins was accused by Sinn Fein of underplaying Catholic disadvantage in his organisation's latest report.

But he was also accused by the DUP of being too slow to address the under-representation of Protestants.

According to the Equality Commission's 15th annual report on the religious composition of the monitored workforce in 2004, the proportions of Protestants and Roman Catholics were 57.7% and 42.3% respectively. This matched the proportions of Protestants and Catholics available for work which was 57.3% and 42.7% respectively.

Protestant employment in the public sector increased by 2.3% during the year (2,283 employees), while the number of Catholics rose by 5.9% (4,284).

The number of Protestants employed in the private sector fell by 0.6% during the year - a net loss of 1,019 employees. Catholics increased their share of jobs by 1.3% overall, a net gain of 1,595 employees.

Mr Collins said it was important to understand the context in which the changes in the workforce had occurred. He said: "During 2004, a growth of Protestant employment in the public sector was offset by a decline in private sector jobs, most notably in manufacturing industry, where Protestants were traditionally strongly represented."

Sinn Fein Assembly member Catriona Ruane said that while there was disadvantage in both the Protestant and Catholic communities, these problems had to be dealt with on the basis of need.

"The fact remains that across every single indicator of disadvantage and multiple disadvantage Catholics fair far worse," the South Down MLA added.

"Sinn Fein's greatest concern is that this is part of a wider agenda driven by the civil service and unionist politicians to rewrite history and, just as seriously, to default on existing equality commitments."

The DUP's Gregory Campbell said the commission was much too slow in coming forward with pro-active measures to combat the under-representation of Protestants, particularly in the public sector.

The East Londonderry MP said: "Over a period of many years this area of concern has been raised with them, the figures for recruitment across the public sector demonstrate the nature of the problem, what has not happened, however, is the Commission showing Northern Ireland people what they intend to do to about it.

"It is totally unacceptable that this report mentions the issue they spent so many years denying the existence thereof, and when they do refer to the problem, they attempt to rationalise it rather than dealing with it.

"They must bring forward solutions for those public sector bodies where they have categorical proof of the scale of the problem affecting Protestant under-representation."

Belfast Telegraph

By Deborah McAleese
newsdesk@belfasttelegraph.co.uk
10 December 2005

A HIGH Court judge is considering whether to award compensation to Ulster prisoners for being forced to "slop out."

During a two-week legal battle, the first of its kind in Northern Ireland, it was alleged in court that the Prison Service had abused the human rights of inmates at Magilligan Prison by not providing in-cell toilets or washing facilities in the prison's H-block.

At the end of final submissions yesterday, Mr Justice Girvan reserved judgment to re-examine the evidence.

The court heard claims that slopping out occurs on a daily basis in the prison, despite Parliamentary reassurance last year by former Secretary of State Ian Pearson that daily slopping out of cells is no longer required in any prisons in Northern Ireland.

If the case is successful, many of the province's most notorious criminals could receive thousands of pounds in compensation for their "degrading" and "humiliating" treatment.

The proceedings were taken by Belfast burglar Justin John Martin, who spent nine months in the prison last year.

Martin, who is currently in Maghaberry Prison, told the court that he was kept in "distressing and humiliating conditions" with only a chamber pot for a toilet and nowhere to wash his hands.

He claimed that if a prison officer was unable to open a cell during lock-up, prisoners had to use a chamber pot as a toilet. This was later emptied in a large basin when the cells were re-opened.

Martin's solicitor, Garrett Greene, from McCann & McCann Solicitors, said: "Prisoners are in custody as punishment for crimes against society and in order to be rehabilitated back into the community. This does not mean they should also be humiliated and not have access to basic tenets of human rights and dignity."

However, lawyers for the Prison Service argued that slopping out was not normal practice.

Just days after the legal action was launched last week, all cells in H-block were provided with wash basins.

The practice of slopping-out was banned in English prisons in 1996.

Last year, the Criminal Justice Inspector in Northern Ireland, Kit Chivers, ordered the prison service to implement a wide range of operational changes within Magilligan Prison to improve conditions for prisoners.

A landmark ruling on slopping out was made in Scotland in February. Now, anybody who has to slop out their cells every morning has the potential to sue the Scottish Executive under the European Convention on Human Rights.

Belfast Telegraph

Politicians demand answers over fiasco

By Deborah McAleese
newsdesk@belfasttelegraph.co.uk
10 December 2005

NATIONALIST and unionist politicians have furiously told the Government that it must "come clean" over the collapse of the Stormont spy ring case.

They demanded clarification from the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith and the Director of Public Prosecutions over the case, which led to the suspension of Stormont Assembly and Executive three years ago.

A judge at Belfast Crown Court on Thursday acquitted Sinn Fein official Denis Donaldson, his son-in-law Ciaran Kearney and civil servant William Mackessy after the Public Prosecution Service said it would offer no further evidence.

The three men were arrested in October, 2002 at the time of a police raid on Sinn Fein's offices at Stormont.

SDLP MLA Alex Attwood urged the PSNI to publicly explain its involvement in the case and its feelings on the decision to acquit the men.

He said: "This case suggests the bad decisions and bad standards that existed around previous decisions in shoot-to-kill, Nelson and Stobie, and still endure. The Attorney-General cannot run for cover. Answers are needed."

DUP leader Ian Paisley said he was "amazed" that the Secretary of State Peter Hain was "not most anxious to meet with the public representatives who have very serious concerns" over the decision not to proceed with prosecutions in this case.

Mr Paisley said: "I believe that this is an attempt to conceal something so serious that even one of the guarantors of the agreement, (Bertie) Ahern, admits to bewilderment and recalls that there was such evidence at the discovery of the spy-ring that could not be challenged. Talk about a cover-up."

UUP leader Sir Reg Empey said: "The public is left in limbo, with a cloud of suspicion hanging over the case."

He said that Dr Paisley was "gradually learning that the abuse he and his party have heaped on the Ulster Unionists now applies to himself".

"It is not as easy as he thought to prevent a determined government from doing its own thing with republicans."

Taoiseach Bertie Ahern expressed bafflement over the collapse of the case. Speaking after talks with Tony Blair in Downing Street yesterday, he said: "This brought down the institutions and created huge grief for me and for the Prime Minister. We had hundreds of troops descending on the Stormont building for what we were told at the time was irrefutable evidence. It vanished yesterday with no prosecutions. It was a lot of grief for no prosecutions. I think it is all very interesting and I don't quite understand."

www.dannymorrison.ie



Danny Morrison


In his presidential address to the ard fheis of the Workers Party in October Sean Garland taunted the Republican Movement three times when he claimed that by decommissioning its arms the IRA had surrendered. However, his tirade was delivered by Des O’Hagan because Garland himself was in custody having been arrested the previous night at a Belfast restaurant by the PSNI on foot of a US extradition warrant.

The warrant alleges that Garland was in conspiracy with English criminals (who were subsequently convicted and jailed) and the North Korean communist government, and that he used his Workers’ Party position as a front and Official IRA Volunteers as a conduit, to circulate up to a million dollars of counterfeit US currency. Known as superdollars the currency is believed to be printed on highly sophisticated machines by the North Korean government and are of such quality that they often deceive experts.

Last year, BBC’s Panorama, using secret recordings and police undercover footage, did an expose of the counterfeiting cartel which was first discovered twelve years ago when North Korean diplomats - the only people allowed to travel outside the state - were caught passing on the superdollars.

The programme, quoting General Vladimir Uskov of the Russian Interior Police, claimed that Sean Garland had regularly visited the North Korean Embassy in Moscow and that this was the distribution centre for the counterfeit money. However, all of the evidence presented on Panorama was circumstantial.

The programme showed that Terence Silcock, who was sentenced to six years, was a regular visitor to Dublin (booking return flights - but returning by ferry), that he and Garland were in Moscow at the same time and that Silcock telephoned Garland’s mobile number from his Moscow hotel.

One of the gang, Hugh Todd, ‘the Irish courier’ alleged to have brought the dollars from Dublin to Birmingham for distribution and laundering through David Levin, a Russian criminal, told police his boss was called “Sean… He’s a communist, he has communist beliefs which is what the old IRA is.” He also said: “He’s old school … he’s the Colonel-in-Chief of the IRA.”

Garland was arrested in Belfast and was subsequently granted £10,000 bail provided he stayed at the Downpatrick home of Des O’Hagan. His bail conditions were later amended to allow the 71-year-old, who suffers from diabetes, to leave the jurisdiction and go to Navan for medical treatment, near his home.

Last week Garland failed to appear in Belfast court and a warrant was issued for his arrest.

It was either the height of stupidity or cockiness - having been named in Worcester Crown Court and on British television as one of the major players in the conspiracy, and knowing that a US investigation was on his trail - for Sean Garland to have come to Belfast to attend his party’s ard fheis. Maybe cockiness – after all, at the height of the conflict senior Workers Party members often seemed immune from arrest and were certainly bosom drinking pals of RUC detectives and leading figures in the UVF.

Garland has said that he has skipped bail on the grounds that Britain’s extradition treaty with the USA is “grossly unjust” and that in a US court he would not get justice. Clearly, the US authorities, who had the warrant for six months and could have issued it in the South, waited until Garland was in the North and subject to the UK-US Extradition Treaty Act. That act has lower standards of proof than the agreement between Ireland and the US and does not require the requesting country to make a prima facie case.

Undoubtedly, Garland would not receive justice in a US court – neither a fair trial nor in terms of the sentence imposed were he found guilty.

The Irish authorities could now face extradition requests from Britain to have Garland returned to the North or from the USA for his extradition which will certainly force all the political parties in the South to declare their stance. His defence will be relying on the political exception clause even though this has been virtually whittled away over the years in cases involving Irish republicans.

Since his arrest the Workers Party has launched an anti-extradition campaign, which has attracted support from many who never expressed their opposition to extradition in the past.

As a young man Garland was a courageous IRA Volunteer who took part in the Brookeborough raid in 1957 when his comrades Sean South and Feargal O’Hanlon were killed. He became a Marxist in the 1960s and after the split was a leading member of the Sticks.

The first republican killed in a feud was at the hands of the Sticks – IRA Volunteer Charlie Hughes in 1971. When the Sticks split again in 1974 the first republican killed in their feud with the emergent Irish Republican Socialist Party was also at their hands – Hugh Ferguson in 1975.

The Workers Party, which started out as Official Sinn Fein, was run by a bitter, twisted leadership. The group continued to be armed, continued with its paramilitary activities, whilst recognising, supporting and calling upon people to cooperate with the RUC. Its leadership was indulged by the state, certainly in the North. The party supported the broadcasting ban in the North and supported (if not ran) state censorship through Section 31 in the South; opposed political status for prisoners and the hunger strike; demonised Sinn Fein; and supported the extradition of Irish republicans from the southern jurisdiction to the North and to Britain, Holland, Belgium, France and Germany. Indeed, Garland’s predecessor as president of the party, Proinsias De Rossa, in May 1990, asked the Minister for Justice in the Dail, “if he intends taking any steps to reassure public opinion in Northern Ireland that persons suspected of serious offences there will not find refuge in the Republic.”

How ironic.

Internationally, the Workers Party supported Stalinism in the USSR, Soviet imperialism and various dictatorships – including, of course, North Korea where Kim Jong Il’s Superdollar Publications is based. It suffered more splits in the 1990s and in 1998 it split again with a new organisation, a lot closer to original republican sentiment, emerging and exorcising itself of much of the party’s shameful past.

Sean Garland has no chance of getting justice in the USA and it is on that basis – not out of sympathy for the man or his party – that his extradition should be opposed and resisted. Party spokesperson, John Lowry, pompously claimed that the arrest was “politically motivated. It was designed because the Workers Party stand opposed to the war in Iraq, we stand opposed to the policies of the US administration.”

I hadn’t realised how towering and influential a figure Sean Garland was in the anti-war movement.

Perhaps at some stage we could theoretically debate whether the organised distribution of counterfeit USA dollars is in certain circumstances a legitimate, revolutionary act – something akin to robbing a bank without actually going into the bank – or is in all circumstances a criminal act.

Now, who would like to kick off that debate! The not-so-busy Independent Monitoring Commission?

Daily Ireland


Police leave after raiding Sinn Fein office at Stormont

The only detailed account about Operation Torsion is contained in a book by the BBC’s Security Editor Brian Rowan.
Although he first exposed the existence of Operation Torsion in BBC news reports on November 12, 2002, Mr Rowan printed a much more detailed version in his book, An Armed Peace, which was published in September 2003.
According to Brian Rowan, the raids on October 4, 2002, took place only after Special Branch tapped phones, installed listening and tracking devices, engaged in widespread surveillance, relied upon the role of an agent, covertly broke into unidentified private premises, and even handled, removed and replaced evidence – supposedly central to the prosecutions.
Despite all of the defendants now being declared innocent and with the allegation of a so-called ‘Stormont spy-ring’ in tatters, the information revealed by Brian Rowan about Special Branch’s activities leaves many unanswered questions.
Mr Rowan’s version of Operation Torsion suggested that a plan was hatched by the PSNI after the apparent burglary at Castlereagh Special Branch offices on St Patrick’s Day, 2002.
According to Mr Rowan, within days of the apparent Castlereagh burglary, the so-called “security assessment” shifted emphasis from investigating the “inside job” theory to focussing on blaming the IRA’s alleged ‘Director of Intelligence’.
Mr Rowan referred to this figure as a “West Belfast man with a big republican reputation”. After this person was arrested amid widespread allegations of media leaks, along with five others on March 30, 2002 – the PSNI released him without charge. Republicans called the arrests a “propaganda exercise” and a “fishing expedition”. One man was subsequently convicted on unrelated charges.
Mr Rowan alleged that Operation Torsion was then conceived by the PSNI and subsequently managed by Belfast Special Branch Head, Chief Superintendent Bill Lowry, who allowed it to “breathe” in the hope that “the IRA Director of Intelligence would walk into his surveillance net”.
“Seven months before the public revelations of alleged IRA intelligence-gathering inside Castle Buildings, the Special Branch had been embarrassed by all that had happened inside Castlereagh. But Operation Torsion had allowed Lowry an opportunity to return the serve on the IRA and he did so, he claims, against the wishes of the British security services,” Mr Rowan wrote.
With confirmation yesterday that the remaining defendants have been found not guilty, significant questions still remain about Operation Torsion.

RTE

09 December 2005 17:10

Gardaí investigating the discovery of an explosive device in a car on the M50 motorway in Dublin last night believe it may be linked to a campaign by the Continuity IRA against drug dealers in Dublin city.

The bomb was discovered when gardaí stopped and searched the vehicle travelling northbound near the West Link Toll Plaza shortly after 10pm.

When gardaí confronted the driver of the car, he jumped out and warned them that there was a bomb in the car and that it was primed.

An Army Explosives Ordance Disposal team was called in following the discovery of the device and a controlled explosion was carried out.

A 24-year-old man was arrested at the scene while a 56-year-old man was arrested later in Ronanstown. Both men were being held at Clondalkin Garda Station.

A section of the motorway between the Blanchardstown and Palmerstown exits was closed for four hours while the operation was continuing.

Staff unaware of operation: NTR director

The managing director of National Toll Roads, Kyran Hurley, said tollbooth staff did not know in advance about last night's garda operation at the West Link Toll Plaza.

There were ten staff manning the plaza at the time of the incident.

However, speaking on RTÉ Radio's Morning Ireland, Mr Hurley said staff are used to incidents at a minor level in the lanes and are trained in how to handle these incidents.

He said there was no undue concern amongst staff at that incident, and the evacuation of staff happened in accordance with a normal fire drill exercise.

BreakingNews.ie

09/12/2005 - 16:57:07

Tens of thousands of employees today turned out to protest in solidarity with Irish Ferries workers who are fighting attempts by the company to replace them with cheaper foreign labour.

Gardaí put the number of marchers in central Dublin at around 40,000, while Congress President Peter McLoone said 80,000 to 100,000 had turned up, with people still leaving Parnell Square as the first groups reached the end of the march at Merrion Square.

Thousands also turned out for marches across the country for the national day of protest.

Union leaders called on the Government to protect the Irish people from a race to the bottom in wages, which they said was happening as a result of increasing numbers of foreign workers being employed at below the going rates.

But the march, led by a Congress banner which read ’Equal Rights for All Workers’, was not against migrant workers, they insisted.

Mr McLoone said: “This is a day of national protest in support of the workers at Irish Ferries, but also a demonstration that wants to send a very clear message to Government that we do not want a society that is founded on injustice, blackguardism, and the exploitation of workers.”

He said the day of protest had received messages of support from the international trade union movement including the TUC and the Latvian trade union conference, and he gave a special welcome to Ryanair pilots who had turned out to march in their uniforms.

The general secretary of Congress – which called for the demonstration – David Begg said the protesters had a fundamental message to deliver.

“There is a threshold of decency below which the Irish people will not accept anyone being dragged, no matter where they come from,” he said.

“Any person who has not spent the last six months on Mars must know that in every part of this country there’s exploitation.”

Mr Begg said the dispute at Irish Ferries was leading the country in a race to the bottom, which would have a devastating impact on Irish society as a whole.

And he said the rest of Europe was watching closely events in Ireland, because what was happening in the state was also occurring in other countries such as Sweden and Finland.

SIPTU general president Jack O’Connor criticised the Government for using what he described as the rhetoric of social partnership at home, while obstructing measures to protect Irish workers on the European stage.

Although the march, supported by all the unions under the Congress banner, addressed the broader question of employees’ rights, the focus remained on the Irish Ferries workers who are protesting at the company’s attempts to replace 543 workers with foreign agency staff.

The meeting in Merrion Square at the end of the march was addressed by negotiators from Siptu – the union representing the protesting seafarers - Patricia King and Paul Smyth, who called on the Government to prevent the re-flagging of Irish Ferries vessels to avoid Irish labour laws.

The centre of Dublin ground to a halt for the duration of the march, with services on public transport suspended so workers could join the protest.

BBC


Michael McKevitt sought to discredit a vital witness

Former Real IRA leader Michael McKevitt has failed to have his conviction overturned in the Irish Republic's Court of Criminal Appeal.

McKevitt was sentenced to 20 years in 2003 for directing terrorism and membership of an illegal organisation.

His lawyers had sought to have his conviction quashed by challenging the credibility of David Rupert, the main prosecution witness.

Mr Rupert was a secret agent for the FBI and the British secret service.

Explosion

McKevitt, 54, from Blackrock, County Louth, was the first person to be convicted in the Republic for the offence which was introduced after the 1998 Real IRA bomb attack in Omagh.

The explosion claimed the lives of 29 people, including a woman pregnant with twins.

He also received a six years concurrent prison sentence for membership of an illegal organisation which the court said was the Real IRA.

Mr Rupert was reported to have infiltrated the Real IRA and attended Real IRA Army Council meetings where McKevitt was present.

BBC



The first person to be charged in connection with the Northern Bank robbery has been released on bail.

Dominic McEvoy, 23, from Mullandra Park in Kilcoo, faces two counts of false imprisonment and one of robbery in connection with the £26.5m raid.

Mr McEvoy was granted High Court bail on condition that he report to police twice daily and does not leave Northern Ireland.

Two south Down businessmen each provided sureties of £50,000.

Employee

Earlier this month Mr McEvoy's lawyer said his client had been prevented from making a bail application "because the authorites were withholding vital information".

Mr McEvoy was charged after his DNA was allegedly found at the Loughinisland home of a bank employee who had been held hostage.

The robbery at the bank's Northern Ireland headquarters at Donegall Square West in central Belfast, took place just before Christmas last year.

Of the 11 people questioned to date in connection with the robbery, three have appeared in court.

BBC


Denis Donaldson said the charges were "politically motivated"

A man cleared of charges linked to an alleged IRA spy ring at Stormont has said he was arrested in a campaign to save David Trimble's political career.

Sinn Fein's Denis Donaldson, son-in-law Ciaran Kearney along with William Mackessy had a total of seven charges against them dropped on Thursday.

Mr Donaldson said his charges were dropped due to the prosecution's "self interest". He may now sue the police.

He said there was no spy ring and the charges were "politically-inspired".

"There was no spy ring at Stormont. There never was," he said.

"The fact that the media was here on the morning that our offices (at Stormont) was raided testifies to that.

"It was part of a Save Dave (Trimble) campaign initially and it was also designed to bring down the (power-sharing) institutions, which it did."

Mr Donaldson was speaking as he and the other two men returned to Stormont in the company of leading Sinn Fein officials, including party leader Gerry Adams.

The three were arrested following a police raid on Sinn Fein's offices at Parliament Buildings on 4 October 2002, when documents and computer discs were seized.


Police raided Sinn Fein offices at Stormont

The arrests led to the power-sharing executive at Stormont being suspended, after the DUP and Ulster Unionists, led at that time by Mr Trimble, threatened to collapse the executive with resignations.

Mr Donaldson, who was Sinn Fein's head of administration at Stormont, and Mr Kearney were subsequently accused of having documents likely to be of use to terrorists.

Mr Mackessy was charged with collecting information on the security forces.

However, at an unlisted hearing at Belfast Crown Court, the three were told all charges were being dropped after the prosecution offered no evidence "in the public interest".

Mr Donaldson said they were now consulting legal representatives about what course of action they could follow in connnection with the arrests.

Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams said the collapse of the case once again underlined the need to "face up" to elements within the PSNI who, he claimed, were opposed to political progress.

He said: "The raid on this building, the raid on the Sinn Fein offices, was conducted in a glare of publicity.

'No comment'

"I think that has very clearly become a pattern, a pattern of political policing.

"Our certain view, and we said this at the time, is that there are elements within the Special Branch, within the old RUC, some of whom are active today in the PSNI, who continue to be at war with Irish republicans, who are opposed to the peace process."

The Public Prosecution Service said it would be making no further statement in relation to the decision to drop the charges.

A spokesman would not respond to allegations that the service had bowed to political pressure.

He would not clarify what it regarded as the nature of the public interest which led to the charges being dropped.

BreakingNews

09/12/2005 - 12:03:07

A Sinn Féin official who had charges dropped against him over a republican spy ring at Stormont claimed today that police arrested him as part of a campaign to save David Trimble’s political career.

Denis Donaldson, who with Ciaran Kearney and William Mackessy had charges dropped at Belfast Crown Court yesterday, said he was not surprised at the decision to drop the case against them.

“I wasn’t surprised because we weren’t guilty,” said Mr Donaldson, Sinn Féin’s head of administration at Stormont at the time of the arrests in 2002.

“There was no spy ring at Stormont. There never was.

“What it all added up to was politically-inspired charges which should never have been brought.

“The fact that the media was here on the morning that our offices (at Stormont) was raided testifies to that.

“It was part of a Save Dave (Trimble) campaign initially and it was also designed to bring down the (power-sharing) institutions, which it did.”

Mr Donaldson, 55, of Altnamonagh Crescent in West Belfast, and his son-in-law Mr Kearney, 34, of Commedagh Drive, were charged with having information which was likely to be of use to terrorists.

Civil servant William Mackessy, 47, from Wolfend Way in North Belfast, was also charged.

But in a dramatic development yesterday, the prosecutor told Belfast Crown Court that it was withdrawing all evidence against the men and a prosecution was no longer in the public interest.

With no evidence against them, Mr Justice Hart ruled that all three should be found not guilty.

Mr Donaldson, Mr Kearney and Mr Mackessy joined Sinn Féin MPs Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness at Stormont today and were also joined by East Derry Assembly member Francie Brolly who was released last week after being questioned by the Police Service of Northern Ireland about a triple IRA car bomb attack on the village of Claudy which killed nine people.

BreakingNews.ie

09/12/2005 - 07:46:53

The Court of Criminal Appeal is due to deliver judgement today on Michael McKevitt's challenge to his conviction for leading the Real IRA.

The 54-year-old, from Blackrock, Co Louth, was jailed for 20 years by the non-jury Special Criminal Court in August 2003 after being found guilty of directing the activities of an illegal organisation.

His appeal centres on the reliability of evidence given by the chief prosecution witness, FBI agent David Rupert, who claimed he infiltrated the Real IRA.

Mr McKevitt's lawyers have argued that his testimony cannot be trusted because he was a lifelong criminal who had been paid by around €2m by the US and British intelligence agencies.

BBC



Two men are being questioned following the discovery of a suspected dissident republican bomb in a car near Dublin.

The device was found about 2230 GMT on Thursday when Irish police stopped a car at the Westlink toll plaza of the M50 motorway surrounding the city.

A controlled explosion was carried out on the lunchbox-type device which included a timer and metal components. Police later confirmed it was a bomb.

A man was arrested at the scene and a second man was arrested on Friday.

It is understood the vehicle was stopped as part of an ongoing garda operation, involving the Special Branch and members of the elite Emergency Response Unit.

The bomb had been hidden in a baby seat in the car.

BBC Northern Ireland's Dublin correspondent, Shane Harrison, said: "Security sources say that they believe the device found in the car was constructed by the Continuity IRA.

"It may have been on its way to the west Dublin suburb of Blanchardstown for possible use in a criminal gang feud.

"It's believed that some of the detectives involved in the operation may have been keeping an eye on suspected Continuity IRA extortion rackets in the west Dublin area."

Both men who were arrested are being questioned at Clondalkin garda station.

They can be held for up to 72 hours before they are either charged or released.

RTE

08 December 2005 22:31



President Mary McAleese met Queen Elizabeth II in Hillsborough in Co Down today.

The President described as a 'cordial, friendly chat' with the monarch.

It was the first such meeting between a President and a British monarch to take place in Ireland.

Queen Elizabeth and her husband, the Duke of Edinburgh, arrived in Northern Ireland last night and undertook a series of engagements today.

Since she was elected President in 1997, Mrs McAleese has met the Queen on three occasions, twice in London and in 1998 at a ceremony in Belgium to officially open the Messines Peace Park.

BreakingNews.ie

08/12/2005 - 17:39:42

Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain faced demands tonight from the Rev Ian Paisley for a meeting over the dropping of charges against three men accused of operating a republican spy ring at Stormont.

In an unexpected move, prosecutors told Belfast Crown Court it was no longer in the public interest to pursue a case against Sinn Féin’s head of administration Denis Donaldson, his son-in-law Ciaran Kearney and civil servant William Mackessy.

The arrests of the three men led to the suspension of devolution in Northern Ireland in October 2002 by the British government and the reimposition of direct rule from Westminster which remains to this day.

While Sinn Féin claimed the dropping of charges showed allegations of a spy ring were concocted to bring down power sharing institutions, Mr Paisley alleged the decision was taken because it was politically expedient.

The Democratic Unionist leader said: “The right thinking people of Ulster will be totally flabbergasted at the decision taken to drop all prosecutions on the IRA spy ring at Stormont because after a three year delay it has been decided that it is not in the public interest.

“I have asked for an urgent meeting with the Secretary of State and hope to talk to the Prime Minister in the near future.”

Mr Donaldson, 55, and his 34-year-old son-in-law, Mr Kearney had been accused of having documents of use to terrorists.

A third man, 47-year-old civil servant William Mackessy, was charged with collecting information on the security forces.

The Police Service of Northern Ireland was criticised by Sinn Féin at the time of the arrests for carrying out a high profile raid on their offices at Stormont.

In a statement, the PSNI today said it noted and understood the reasons given by the Public Prosecution Service for the withdrawal of charges and it believed the three men were entitled to the presumption of innocence.

The police insisted the Provisional IRA was actively involved in the systematic gathering of information and targeting of individuals.

“Police investigated that activity and a police operation led to the recovery of thousands of sensitive documents which had been removed from government offices,” the statement said.

“A large number of people were subsequently warned about threats to them.

“That police investigation has concluded. There are no further lines of inquiry and no individuals are being sought by the police.”

The Northern Ireland Office said the dropping of the charges was solely a matter for the prosecutors but it noted the PSNI’s insistence that the IRA was involved in intelligence gathering and that documents were recovered.

“It is also a matter of record that it was the actions of paramilitaries in gathering and removing these documents and the damage that was done to political confidences as a result that led to the suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly,” the NIO said.

“The Government is determined that confidence will be rebuilt and that devolved Government in Northern Ireland will be restored. It will continue to work tirelessly to achieve that goal.”

A statement issued through Mr Donaldson and Mr Mackessy’s solicitors, Madden and Finucane, said their clients were victims of a plot by elements within the police to subvert the peace process.

Mr Kearney’s solicitors, Kevin Winters and Co, said: “There can be no suggestion that Mr Kearney is technically not guilty. He was and remains completely innocent of any allegation.

“The case, such as it was, and the so-called ‘evidence’ to justify it remains unchanged from October 2002.

“This case achieved its political aim and the prosecution today closed it but there remains some major concerns which will be pursued in another forum.”

Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams, who will hold a press conference with the men tomorrow at Stormont, claimed the operation which led to their arrests was the most blatant example of political policing.

The West Belfast MP said: “Faceless securocrats subverted the democratic wishes of the electorate north and south who voted for the Good Friday Agreement.

“The collapse of this case should now focus attention on to the Special Branch and those responsible for planning, carrying out and authorising this entire operation.”

An Phoblacht

BY JOANNE CORCORAN

With Sinn Féin's Céad Bliain year coming to a close the party has produced a set of limited edition cards honouring republican women. The Mná na hÉireann — Unfinished Revolution cards, which resemble playing cards, show photos of women from 1798 through to the present day who have contributed to the cause of Irish freedom, accompanied by their biographies.

Caitríona Ruane, who took charge of the Céad Bliain Committee in 2004 says she got the idea for the cards after a trip to America. "I was in the US a couple of years ago and picked up two sets of cards produced by the Library of Congress, paying tribute to great African-Americans and 'Women who Dare'," she told An Phoblacht this week.

"A while after that, myself and Mary Lou McDonald organised a women's conference in Down and used the women's cards as discussion points for speakers. Following that conference we thought the card idea would provide an excellent vehicle to honour some of the republican women who have given so much to the cause over the last few centuries."

Carol Jackson of the Céad Bliain Committee was responsible for the production of the cards, with An Phoblacht providing most of the photographs of the women from the paper's extensive archives.

Volume One is due to be launched by Gerry Adams and Caitríona Ruane on 12 December at 12pm in the Culturlánn in West Belfast. A launch with Mary Lou McDonald in Dublin will take place at a later date.

Among the 48 women honoured in the first volume are Síghle Humphreys (1899-1994), who participated in the Civil War, and spent the rest of her life fighting for republican causes; Sheena Campbell (1962-1992), who was instrumental in developing Sinn Féin's electoral strategy until she was murdered by the UVF; Máire Comerford (1893-1982), a prominent member of the Anti-Partition League; Kathleen Largey (1943-1979), a ballad singer who invested her time in prisoner welfare and Annie-Mary Burke Gildernew (1918-1998), a life-long republican best known for the squat in 9 Kinnaird Park, Caledon, Tyrone, which eventually led to the first civil rights march.

"Some of the women we have honoured are very well-known, like Máire Drumm, Mairéad Farrell and Countess Markievicz," Ruane says. "But there are many there, like Sidney Gifford Czira, Ethel Lynch, Bridie Dolan and Anne Parker, who were incredible women and committed republicans, but probably aren't spoken about as much as they should be. These cards are about reclaiming those women and letting people know what they did."

Ruane is aware that 48 cards aren't sufficient to honour all the women who have fought for republicanism and says this is why the party hopes to produce more volumes in the coming years.

The cards can be purchased from the Sinn Féin bookshop for £10/€15 in the run-up to Christmas and will make ideal keepsakes from the Sinn Féin Céad Bliain year.

An Phoblacht


Photo: Seánna Walsh

Last July the face and voice of Seánna Walsh conveyed the dramatic announcement of the formal ending of the IRA's armed campaign. Beamed across the globe, media commentators agreed on one thing — that the IRA's choice was appropriate.

Séanna Walsh served over 21 years as a republican prisoner of war in both the cages and H-Blocks of Long Kesh. He was among the first republicans to go 'on the blanket' after his arrest in 1976, the year that the British Labour Government began it policy of attempting to criminalise IRA prisoners.

Séanna was a friend and cellmate of Bobby Sands, the Officer Commanding in the H-Blocks and the first of the Hunger Strikers who died in 1981.

Since his release Séanna has played a key role in working with Sinn Féin's negotiating team. Recently he was appointed as Head of the party's Cultural Department.

Here, Séanna and Fearghal Mac Ionnrachtaigh, another member of the party's re-organised and revitalised Cultural Department, spoke to An Phoblacht about the role of Irish in the republican struggle and the departments ambitious and radical plans.

An Phoblacht: What initially sparked your interest in the Irish language?

Séanna: I first got an interest in Irish in primary school and developed it at secondary school. I was in Loch an Iúir Gaeltacht in Donegal when Internment erupted across the North. Within 18 months I found myself in prison, in the Cages of Long Kesh. I dived into the language with a passion. It was clear to me at a fairly early stage that the Irish language was much more than a medium of communication, that wrapped up in it was the history of conflict and dispossession, genocide and emigration.

How important is the restoration of Irish language to republican objectives?

Fearghal: Republican objectives are underpinned by three defining strands — the political, the socio-economic and the cultural. The cultural aspect of our struggle was elevated by radical language revivalists like Pádraig Mac Piarais. He placed the cultural struggle within the confines of the wider national struggle when he stated that a free Ireland must not only be free but Gaelic speaking while a Gaelic speaking Ireland must not only be Gaelic speaking but free also.

Just as the revival efforts of the Gaelic League provided the dynamic for the Irish revolution in the last century, we believe that in the new dispensation, a rejuvenated and determined Republican Movement can utilise the language to such an extent that it can characterise our struggle in the new millennium.

The consequences of the colonial legacy of Anglicisation created a false sense of identity that relegates the language to that of an icon. The current process of nation building requires a detailed strategy that involves the construction of a decolonised identity to which the repossession of the Irish language is central.

In the Algerian Revolutionary, Frantz Fanon stressed that the colonialised must first ask the question, 'In reality, Who am I?' in order to re-define their national identity.

A process of decolonialisation demands that the language transcends its current symbolic status in order to achieve meaningful status and full rights for all its users. There is an onus on republicans to place a greater emphasis on the protection and promotion of the language amongst the Irish people through empowering and inspiring the learning and speaking of Irish.

In the era of globalisation, the Irish language, in surviving and flourishing can provide a link to our past and symbolise the ability of the weak and the small to survive in struggle with the strong and the big.

Our involvement in the redefinition of Irish identity will make it a liberating one which gives all of those who live on this island, irrespective of age, creed, class or political outlook, ownership of the Irish language in a rights-based society built on equality and justice.

Séanna, you are well known as one of the longest-serving republican prisoners, but you are also synonymous with the Gaelicisation of the H-Blocks. Describe the importance of the language, in your experience, to imprisoned republicans.

Séanna: In the cages of Long Kesh and during the Blanket Protest the Irish language, as it had done previously in Irish prisons, became a mainstay of republican prisoner development and resistance.

During the Blanket, we had nothing but our bodies to use as a weapon of protest, and we utilised the Irish language as a symbolic and practical means of resistance.

It legitimised our sense of cultural distinctiveness and gave us strength to 11; Snodaigh were dragged off to Leinster House.

We managed to organise the annual Slógadh events which were fairly successful, in Rath Cairn, Dún Chaoin and Gaoth Dobhair.

We have kept the momentum going on our Foras na Gaeilge project and helped in having Gráinne Mhic Ghéidigh elected in the Údarás elections.

We ensured that the issue of the Irish language has stayed on the negotiations agenda with both governments.

We supported and were involved in the 'Stádas' campaign but we have not been as active on the ground among language activists as we should have been. We have identified a number of campaigning issues, North and South, and we will be seeking to organise and mobilise around them in the coming year.

The most interesting aspect of our reinvigorated Roinn a' Chultúir will be our project to turn Sinn Féin from an English speaking party, which is fairly good on the language question, to a bilingual party involved in all areas of radical language development and promotion.

We intend to have a series of language awareness weekends, a sort of Slógadh for English speakers. This to be backed up by a series of language classes for all our major spokespersons and office workers. We will then focus on activists at cumann level. Any programme we put together will be organic and flexible, so that it can develop in different ways and at a different pace from area to area.

Séanna has spoken about the Gaelicisation of the party as a central part of the departments plans, what inspired this?

Fearghal: The initial impetus derived from a visit to the Basque Country where a group of us met with a team of cultural activists within Herri Batasuna who succeeded in developing a radical programme of language acquisition within their movement.

In 1991, Batasuna successfully implemented a five-year plan that involved all party members learning to write and speak their native language, Euskara. In the Basque Country, the leadership shown by Batasuna on this issue became the catalyst for a resurgence of national culture and identity amongst the Basque people.

Batasuna has transformed into a bilingual party and has since moved to the position where all party business is now conducted in Basque. The original five-year plan took seven years and having attained bi-lingual status they continued to develop it over the years since.

A consequence of the Batasuna strategy has been that the other political parties in the region have moved to adopt their language policies to ensure they are not left behind on the issue.

Similarly, by providing positive leadership on the language issue, republicans can become the driving force in the process of building a new Ireland. This approach has proved successful in regard to the pro-active direction given by Sinn Féin on Irish unity.

The party's stated aim of, 'creating a bilingual society at every level' is dependent first on the creation of a bilingual movement that can vigorously pursue this objective. Reviving Irish with the aim of creating a bilingual society is a daunting challenge. However, the purpose of building a New Ireland is to respond positively to daunting challenges.

How does the party intend to implement a 'radical programme of language acquisition' for republican activists?

Feargal: The battle for hearts and minds has been identified as the key first step in the Gaelicisation strategy. A cultural awareness/education program is currently being developed with the aim of convincing activists about the importance of the language in the struggle to achieve our political objectives. It will centre upon the historical legacy of cultural oppression and colonialisation, and motivate activists on the need to reinforce our sense of national identity through the restoration of the language. It will make up part of the Education Departments' induction programme for new members.

The program will be summarised as a day-long seminar with presentations, discussions and workshops to be launched in the New Year at Irish language residentials, organised in each province. These will be modelled on the annual Slogadh but will appeal to both Irish speaking and non-Irish speaking activists. Various intensive language courses of different levels will be piloted in conjunction with a cultural awareness focus.

We also aim to target personnel in each Cúige who can identify potential teachers throughout the country to be trained in the delivery of intensive language courses.

We will provide intensive training courses for potential Irish teachers and have sought the advice of language acquisition experts to aid in designing specific courses for party activists. The five-year plan will require people, funding, time and commitment. It will require leadership, participation and endorsement.

Our longer term objective is to deliver the cultural awareness program followed by intensive language courses to all existing activists throughout the country creating a bilingual party, fully educated and re-focused on the centrality of the Irish language and culture to our project of nation building.

In light of its ambitious nature of the plan, has the party leadership been encouraged by it?

What we intend to do is unlike anything that's ever been tried before in this country. We intend to put in place classes for our broad membership, but also a one-to-one programme with leadership spokespeople. We want to see a situation in the short to medium term where our main spokespersons are able to talk about their specialist area of interest in both Irish and English, it doesn't matter if it's policing, the Peace Process, agriculture or human rights.

We intend to bring a radical, staged approach to our work with Foras na Gaeilge and Údarás na Gaeltachta. We've got to ensure that we don't fall into the trap set by civil servants and bureaucrats, that we don't become just administrators of government funds. We've got to ensure that we bring our vision of creating a bilingual society in the short-term into being on this island.

As regards the Údarás, we are still on a learning curve. Gráinne is very eager and committed and knows the type of Ireland she and we want to create. With practical, on the ground help and assistance, we are confident of providing a first-class service from a first-class Údarás representative.

How successful has Sinn Féin been in promoting the language and do you envisage the language playing a prominent role in the party's agenda in the time ahead?

Séanna: Sinn Féin has a consistent record on Irish and successfully held the British Government to account on a range of commitments made during negotiations. Amongst other achievements, Sinn Féin was instrumental in the establishment of the cross-border language body Foras na Gaeilge and the formation of Comhairle na Gaelscolaíochta and Iontaobhas na Gaelscolaíochta which have revolutionised the development of the Irish medium sector in the Six Counties.

While recognising our achievements on Irish language issues as commendable, especially compared to the indifferent approach of all other nationalist political parties in Ireland, Sinn Féin aims to develop from being a party which campaigns on Irish language issues to a party that epitomises the struggle for repossession of the language.

Similarly, the successful growth of the Irish-medium education sector cannot be overestimated. This was recently emphasised by Séanna who stated that, 'we have worked tirelessly to ensure that Irish-medium education is put on a firm foundation and built upon throughout the North. It is now time to look at all the adults across the country who would like to be able to speak it but haven't got around to it.'

In the words of the late republican and language activist, Mairtín Ó Cadhain: 'The Irish language is the reconquest of Ireland — the reconquest of Ireland is the salvation of Irish'

An Phoblacht

Casement Park raided


PSNI raiding Casement Park

PSNI raids in West Belfast last week connected with last year's Northern Bank robbery caused anger in nationalist circles, especially as one of the premises targeted was Antrim GAA's Casement Park headquarters.

The raids, which come at a sensitive time for the GAA, have caused even more people to question the wisdom of the organisation's decision to lift Rule 21 and allow members of the British forces play Gaelic games.

The home of Aidan Digney, a member of the West Belfast Glasgow Celtic supporters' club, Eire go Bragh, was also raided.

Both raids were carried out on Friday 2 December just hours after the PSNI were granted a 60-hour extension to hold and question 24-year-old Chris Ward, the Northern Bank employee arrested last Tuesday 29 November.

And reacting to the latest raids Sinn Féin Assembly member Michael Ferguson accused the PSNI of returning to, "1970s style policing".

"Overkill"

On Friday a large number of PSNI and up to 15 Land Rovers stormed into Casement Park on the Andersonstown Road in West Belfast at approximately 7am. They told staff that the raid was part of an ongoing investigation into "organised terrorist crime". The raiders took files and documents relating to wages and accounts including cheque books.

Confirming that Chris Ward worked part time in Casement Park Social Club, Gerry McClory, Vice Chair of the County Antrim Board, said there was something something sinister about the approach.

"It was complete overkill. It was an attempt to discredit our members. We have nothing to hide and have assisted the PSNI with their inquiries. Do you think we have £26 million hidden in the changing rooms?"

President of the GAA, Séan Kelly said: "We know what the PSNI are doing. Even if it is coincidental, we are not happy. It is too much. GAA supporters across the country aren't going to be influenced by such actions by the PSNI."

The GAA have said they will be reporting the matter at the "highest level to the Dublin Government".

'70s style policing

Meanwhile, a man whose home was raided by the PSNI on Friday 2 December in connection with the 2004 Christmas bank robbery has described the raid as "nonsensical".

Aidan Digney who is a member of Eire go Bragh CSC, the same club as Chris Ward, was speaking after six PSNI vehicles arrived to search his West Belfast home.

"They told me they were there in relation to the robbery and asked whether I had any money or walkie talkies in the house that they should know about."

Digney said he, his wife and children were put in the kitchen of his Poleglass home while the PSNI carried out searches.

West Belfast Assembly member Michael Ferguson said the PSNI raid was reminiscent of the interrogations of the 1970s.

"This is symptomatic of the Castlereagh interrogations that took place in the depths of the conflict. These raids are designed to put immoral pressure on Chris Ward and criminalise this young man who has always maintained his innocence."

The Advocate

By Ray Hogan
Staff Writer

Published December 8 2005



In his first two days as a public school teacher in 1958, Frank McCourt ate a sandwich off the floor and told the class that in Ireland, boys went out with sheep instead of girls.

His style remained original and irreverent throughout the next 30 years he spent teaching at five schools in New York City. He would encourage students to recite recipes as poems, hold international food festivals in Stuyvesant Park and allow the notorious beatnik junkie Herbert Hunke into the classroom to borrow money.

He recounts these stories and more in "Teacher Man," the final book in a trilogy of memoirs that began with "Angela's Ashes" in 1996. In the book's prologue, he writes "If I hadn't written 'Angela's Ashes' I would have died begging, 'Just one more year, God, just one more year because this book is the one thing I want to do in my life, what's left of it.' "

On Saturday, he will speak and sign copies of "Teacher Man" (Scribner) at the Greenwich Library in a program sponsored by Just Books and the Friends Selective Eye Series.

McCourt taught from 1958 until the late 1980s in a career that began at the McKee Vocational and Technical High School on Staten Island and ended at the prestigious Stuyvesant High School in Greenwich Village.

Although he went against educational protocol of the era, McCourt tried to find creative ways to play to his students' interests. At the start of his tenure, McCourt is a man unsure of what teaching entails and ends as a teacher who has sparked the imaginations and impulses of some of New York's brightest young minds and diamonds-in-the-rough. At a recent lecture in Los Angeles, the moderator asked how many of his former students were in the audience. There were more than a dozen.

"It was the unpredictability of it that they liked," McCourt says of his unorthodox approach. "They didn't know which way I was going to jump. If they challenged me, I challenged them right back. I had to find my own style."

"Angela's Ashes" made McCourt an overnight sensation in the literary world. In the book, the Brooklyn-born author recounts growing up poor in Limerick, Ireland. " 'Tis" (1999) chronicles his life as a young man in New York. "Teacher Man" covers the longest time frame and ends with a student suggesting he write a book.

He didn't set out to lay out his life in three parts.

"I would have been very happy to finish one book. That was my ambition, my dream," he says. "I finished that and said you have to tell the story of your immigration. After that, I have to do a teaching book. I don't know what's next, not a memoir."

For a man who describes himself at middle-age as "waving without knowing what I was waving at," McCourt found his second act in 1996 with "Angela's Ashes." It immediately catapulted him to the upper crust of American literature.

"It was a wonderful book, but a once-in-a-lifetime thing when all the forces came together," says Larry Kirwan, singer of Irish rock band Black 47 and author of "Liverpool Fantasy" and "Green Suede Shoes: An Irish-American Odyssey." "And that's what you need for a blockbuster. All his life he had been around writers and probably felt it a bit. All of a sudden he's, as he said, 'the chief mc'."

McCourt admits his debut at age 66 propelled him to a new level -- from school teacher to toast of the town. Suddenly, he was being approached by people on the street who wanted his autograph because they saw him on television but didn't remember what he did. "People looked at you in a way that they never looked at you when you were a teacher," he says. "It was the magic of television, and that's what was startling. Thankfully, I had developed some self-confidence. I realized that after the 30 years (teaching) American adolescents, I could have handled the Spanish Inquisition."

McCourt brings the same elan to the written page as he did to the classroom. He recalls events that occurred more than 30 years ago with the same excitement and ear for patois as if they happened yesterday. Like those he grew up with in Ireland, he's a natural storyteller who can spin the events of an average day into something worth retelling.

Kirwan recalls killing hangovers by spending afternoons with critics such as Lester Bangs and Nick Tosches at McCourt's brother Malachy's the Bells of Hell bar in the West Village in the mid-1970s. One day at the bar, which Kirwan remembers being inhabited by those too young for -- or banned from -- the more literary Lion's Head, a parade of teenagers came in escorted by McCourt. "They were very respectful. He comes in, points to us and says, 'So you want to be writers?'ÉÊHe brought them in to take the romance out of it."

The author admits his methods might have seemed at odds with the educational establishment of the times. He also knew his profession was competing with the emerging times.

"I was always looking for new ways of exciting them about poetry and short stories," McCourt says. "I was aware of the fact that they would go home and watch television. We were competing with that in a sense. I wanted to bury that with the excitement of the classroom."

McCourt traces his love of language to growing up poor in Ireland. Without the benefit of even radio, he and his family and friends had to occupy their time by telling stories. McCourt says his father, whose alcoholism was documented in "Angela's Ashes," could take the name of a neighbor and turn it into the greatest tale ever told. Among his friends, the young McCourt heard yarns about fathers being great gunmen for the Irish Republican Army.

"In the pubs, it was talk, talk," he says. "There was a deep satisfaction that we had out of talking and a deep respect for the language. That kind of facility of language is surely disappearing."

He is not sure he would want to teach if he were a young man today. During his career, he became hip to students' endless resourcefulness in excuses and cheating, but forging a sick note was often the worst of it. Today, he says, ask students to write a report and a quick Google search will offer them dozens.

"This book has a wide and limited appeal," he says. "Teachers are interested in it but people are confused as to what's going on in the world of schools. No one knows what to make of No Child Left Behind. The question is what is it all about? What are schools for? It's an assembly line now. Stick a tag on them to show they've passed certain tests."

Sinn Féin

Published: 8 December, 2005
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP said that the not guilty verdicts in the case against three people charged in relation to what was dubbed 'Stormontgate' prove conclusively what Sinn Féin have been saying all along
about the case.

Mr Adams said:

"This operation was a blatant example of political policing aimed at collapsing the political institutions.

"Faceless securocrats subverted the democratic wishes of the electorate north and south who voted for the Good Friday Agreement.

"The collapse of this case should now focus attention onto the Special Branch and those responsible for planning, carrying out and authorising this entire operation.

"Their activities have continued unabated since then to the detriment of the conflict resolution process, including of course the arrest last week of respect Sinn Fein Assembly member Francie Brolly in a Special Branch smear
operation." ENDS

BreakingNews.ie

08/12/2005 - 13:07:16

A Dublin Sinn Féin member who was jailed for four years for IRA membership was freed on bail by the Court of Criminal Appeal today pending the outcome of a legal challenge to anti terrorist legislation.

The court freed Niall Binead on his own bond of €1,000 and two independent sureties of €10,000 each. It also ordered him to sign on twice a week at Crumlin Garda Sation, to surrender his passport and not to associate with anyone convicted of a scheduled offence.

Ms Justice Fidelma Macken said the court was satisfied that having regard to the changed circumstances in which Binead will not get an early appeal and in which the Supreme Court will hear legal arguments which will affect the appeal it was justified to grant bail to Binead.

Binead (aged 36), of Faughart Road, Crumlin was jailed for four years by the Special Criminal Court last year after he was convicted of membership of an illegal organisation on October 10, 2002. His co accused, Kenneth Donohoe (aged 27), of Sundale Ave, Mountain View , Tallaght, was freed on bail by the Court of Criminal Appeal last month.

During their trial the court heard that gardaí found a list of TD's - including three former Justice Ministers - at Binead's home. Binead is a former secretary of a south Dublin Sinn Féin cumann and was a close associate of Sinn Féin TD for Dublin South Central Aengus O'Snodaigh.

The Court of Criminal Appeal adjourned an appeal by the two men against their convictions last month after hearing that a challenge has been allowed to the Supreme Court on legal issues in another case which are similar to issues in their appeal.

The challenge before the Supreme Court is against the current practice whereby the defence is unable to challenge through cross examination the basis of a Garda Chief Superintendent's belief that someone is a member of an illegal organisation.

The Supreme Court has allowed an appeal on whether the right to a fair trial under Article 38 of the Constitution has been infringed by not allowing the defence to challenge the basis of the Chief
Superintendent's belief. The Supreme Court is expected to hear the appeal early in the New Year.

BBC


Police raided Sinn Fein offices at Stormont

Three Belfast men at the centre of an alleged IRA spying incident at Stormont have been acquitted of all charges.

The men, whose arrests led to the collapse of the power-sharing executive in 2002, claimed the case against them had been politically motivated.

At an unlisted hearing at Belfast Crown Court, Ciaran Kearney, William Mackessy and Sinn Fein's Denis Donaldson were told all charges were being dropped.

The prosecution offered no evidence "in the public interest".

The three were arrested following a police raid on Sinn Fein's offices at Parliament Buildings on 5 October 2002, when documents and computer discs were seized.

They were subsequently charged with a total of seven offences.

Mr Donaldson, 55, from Aitnamonagh Crescent who was Sinn Fein's head of administration at Stormont, and his son-in-law Mr Kearney, 34, of Commedagh Drive had been accused of having documents likely to be of use to terrorists.

Mr Mackessy, 47, from Wolfend Way was charged with collecting information on the security forces.


Denis Donaldson was Sinn Fein's head of administration at Stormont

However, on Thursday, Prosecuting QC Gordon Kerr told Mr Justice Hart that the Director of the Public Prosecution Services was offering no further evidence in their case.

Mr Kerr told the court that directions as to prosecutions were kept under "continuing review".

"The director has concluded that having regard to the materials placed before him and his duties as a public authority under the Human Rights Act 1998 that the prosecution for the offences in relation to the accused are no longer in the public interest."

Mr Justice Hart said that the proper course of action was to return verdicts of not guilty and told the men they were "free to go".

Afterwards, Mr Donaldson said the "charges should never have been brought".

"It is a prosecution that should never have been brought."
Ciaran Shields
Solicitor

"It was political policing and political charges and the fact that we were acquitted today proves that," he said.

Mr Mackessy said he felt "disgusted with the British government for bringing charges".

Solicitor Ciaran Shields who represented Mr Donaldson and Mr Mackessy, said they felt they were "victims of a political operation by elements within the security forces who deliberately used their position to hamper political progress in this country".

'Sensitive documents'

"This case had huge implications, not just for our clients and their families but for the community as a whole in the sense that these arrests led to the collapse of the power-sharing executive," he said.

The solicitor claimed they had learned of a Special Branch operation known as Operation Torsion, which was "designed to incriminate republicans".

However, Mr Shields added that its details did not feature in any of the documents given to them by the DPP.

In a statement, the PSNI said the men were entitled to the presumption of innocence.


The government is determined that confidence will be rebuilt and that devolved government in Northern Ireland will be restored

Northern Ireland Office

"The background to this case is that a paramilitary organisation, namely the Provisional IRA, was actively involved in the systematic gathering of information and targeting of individuals," it said.

"Police investigated that activity and a police operation led to the recovery of thousands of sensitive documents which had been removed from government offices.

"A large number of people were subsequently warned about threats to them."

The PSNI said its investigation into the matter had now concluded.

The Northern Ireland Office said the case was "solely a matter for the prosecuting authorities and not for the NIO".

"It is also a matter of record that it was the actions of paramilitaries in gathering and removing these documents and the damage that was done to political confidences as a result that led to the suspension of the NI Assembly," said a spokesman.

"The government is determined that confidence will be rebuilt and that devolved government in Northern Ireland will be restored. It will continue to work tirelessly to achieve that goal."

Following the arrests, the Reverend Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists and the Ulster Unionists, led at that time by then First Minister David Trimble, threatened to collapse the executive with resignations.

The British government then suspended devolution in the province, embarking on direct rule for the last three years.

BBC

A man arrested as part of the Northern Bank robbery investigation has had the charges against him dropped.

Peter Kelly, 30, from Drumboniff Road, Newry, had been charged with collecting and recording information likely to be of use to terrorists.

The charges related to his job as a BT technician seconded to the Department of Finance and Personnel at Stormont.

It had been claimed computers seized at his workplace contained details of civil servants and prison staff.

At his first court appearance a police inspector claimed the computer equipment contained the details of 36,000 civil servants, including 3,300 working for the police and 70 prison staff.

'Never charged'

After the charges were withdrawn at Belfast Magistrates Court, Mr Kelly's solicitor, Niall Murphy, said there had been "no justification to link his client's name to the bank robbery".

"He was never charged with any offence in connection with the robbery," Mr Murphy said.

"The information that he accessed was freely available to many other people in his workplace."

The solicitor said Mr Kelly would be pursuing his case with the Police Ombudsman and would issue proceedings against the chief constable and any other relevant party for malicious prosecution.

Irelandclick.com

Squinter takes a festive look at the original Christmas rhyme and gives it a twist, West Belfast style

‘Twas the night before Christmas and all through the house
Not a creature was stirring, not even a mouse.

But out in the driveway a baseball-capped hood
Was stood by my car and up to no good.

A screwdriver he placed in the lock of the Ford
And in no time at all the engine had roared.

The children who should have been snug in their beds
Were necking the cider and out of their heads.

While I tried to take a nice winter’s nap
The smicks at the corner put on gangsta rap.

So I jumped in a black hack and went to see Pete,
A cousin of mine who lives off Albert Street.

The driver was smoking so I sat in the back
When suddenly I felt a tremendous big whack.

The fella behind us had braked far too late
By the look of him he’d had a few over the eight.

The women beside me in jammies and slippers
Gave me the name of their lawyer, ‘he’s great with the whippers.’

I started to walk, it was cold but quite fine
Then nipped into the boozer for a glass of mulled wine.
Inside was a typical Christmas pub scene
The beep and the buzz of the poker machine

The juke box playing a Cliff Richard song
With four drunken pool players singing along.

I drank up for I knew I’d a long way to go
And hadn’t got far when it started to snow.

My face was soon frozen, my two feet quite numb
When before me appeared a young girl and her chum.

‘Hi mister,’ she said, ‘could you give us a light?’
And under that streetlamp I got quite a fright.

Her face was bright orange, her hands they were blue
And on the back of the right one was an ‘Anto’ tattoo.

I muttered ‘no, sorry’ and went on my way
And her chum said she thought I was definitely gay.

A roar and a blur and I dived to the right
As a kid on a quad emerged from the night.

Now wet and dirty and thoroughly depressed
Cursing my luck and clearly distressed

I turned the next corner and what did I find
But a gang of street drinkers with mischief in mind.

Blue bags, blue bottles and boxes of beer
Those boozers perked up when they saw me appear.

I thought it best to cross over the street
When they all crossed too I went white as a sheet.

I took to my heels with the smicks on my tail
And soon was caught up by the gang’s alpha male.

He jumped on my back and we fell in the snow
And as I struggled I thought, what a cat way to go.

But suddenly I spied a big white Land Rover
And as quick as it started the trouble was over.

The top Trevor asked if I wanted a lift
As he picked me out of that chilly snowdrift.

I said I was grateful that he’d helped me out
But I don’t want the neighbours to call me a tout.

So I pulled out my mobile to phone up a cab
But I’d used all my credit on too much oul’ gab.

Then what to my wondering eyes should appear
But Santa, a sleigh and eight big reindeer.

As Santa stroked Rudolf and petted his fur
Big Trevor asked, is this your vehicle sir?

Poor Santa looked kind of resigned to his fate
When Trevor discovered his tax out of date.

And St Nicholas tested the big cop’s endurance
When he said he’d forgotten to renew his insurance.

And then for the kids Christmas died a sad death
When the coppers smelt Smirnoff upon Santa’s breath.

As Santa was thrown in the back of the Jeep
With his beard all atremble he started to weep.

And I heard him exclaim as he looked back at me
‘Collusion’s not an illusion and SS RUC!’

I trudged home in anger with thoughts dark and dire
Got changed and then took my old seat by the fire.

I made a hot whiskey with lemon and lime
And watched Home Alone for the 48th time.

And as midnight Mass bells pealed soft in the night
I nodded off thinking that Christmas is shite.

Irelandclick.com

PSNI Assistant Chief Constable Paul Leighton yesterday defended his organisation's high-profile investigation of the Northern Bank robbery - including last Friday's controversial raid at Casement Park in Co Antrim.

Mr Leighton was speaking at a full meeting of the North's Policing Board after further allegations that a "senior intelligence officer" leaked information about the investigation to BBC journalist Brian Rowan.

Top Antrim GAA official Gerry McClory accused the PSNI of "playing with words" about the circumstances of the Casement Park raid.

Claiming that a "community impact assessment" was conducted during the preparations for the raid, ACC Paul Leighton also alleged that a briefing was given to GAA officials as the raid began.

"As we approach the anniversary, a 24 year-old male has now been charged with robbery," Mr Leighton said.

"His detention period was extended beyond seven days for the first time in Northern Ireland, the first time such powers have been used.

"The use of these powers was a reflection of the seriousness and the complexity of the investigation, and his detention was reviewed by two judges and a high court judge, all confirming the legality of the application.

"As part of that investigation, and linked to the arrest and charge of this person, a search of Casement Park took place. A full community impact assessment was conducted during the planning of the operation.

"In planning the resourcing for the operation, the fewest possible resources were committed commensurate with the task.
Officers of the club were contacted as the search began and part of the briefing they were given included the information and the likely duration of the task," Mr Leighton said.

However Antrim GAA vice-chair Gerry McClory accused the PSNI of "talking codswallop" and "playing with words".

Criticising the PSNI's overall approach to the Casement Park raid, Mr McClory continued, "They didn't consult the GAA about any community impact assessment. There was no briefing given to officials.

"He is playing with words. I am giving you facts. They arrived in force to search Casement Park at seven o'clock in the morning, moving from the side of the road over to the gates at around nine when the groundsman arrived, and then they started searching after that.

"Neither the county chairman, the county secretary, the county treasurer or myself as acting chairman of Casement Park Social Club were given any pre-notice of the raid.

"I got a call from one of the voluntary staff to say the PSNI were there to raid and as I was travelling to Casement I got a call from Chief Inspector Peter Farrar to tell me there was going to be a search.

"While the officer in charge of the search was courteous and provided the basis for the raid, the question remains why they could not have done this differently," Mr McClory said.

"We had nothing to hide and would have had no difficulty co-operating, as we did so earlier in the year when they came to Casement about the same investigation.

"They talk about community impact assessment, but they haven't even bothered to consider the impact this incident could have on attracting community and business sponsors to Casement Park," Mr McClory said.


Journalist:: Staff Reporter

Irelandclick.com


Chris Ward

West Belfast Northern Bank employee Chris Ward has claimed he has been set up by the PSNI after being charged with the £26.5 million robbery at the bank last year.

Ward (24) from Colinmill in Poleglass is charged with robbing the Northern Bank of £26.5 million or thereabouts on 20 December 2004 and that a firearm was used to commit the offence.

He was charged after eight days of questioning during which he took part in 50 interviews.

The PSNI have admitted that the case against Ward is based on circumstantial evidence and that surveillance equipment was placed in his Belfast home and in holiday accommodation in Fuerteventura.

Chris Ward appeared at Belfast Magistrates Court yesterday (Wednesday).

When charged with the offence at Antrim PSNI station in the early hours of Wednesday, the West Belfast man protested his innocence saying; "Police have bugged my house, a holiday in Spain, went through all my phone records, my bank accounts, hounded my friends - even going as far as Australia - and have tortured me in an attempt to frame me with the Northern Bank robbery.

"Police have failed in all of these counts. They have held me longer than the hostage takers who seized me last year and indeed have held me in a police station for longer than anyone in the history of the North of Ireland."

At the short hearing yesterday the defendant, dressed in a T-shirt and jeans, spoke only to confirm that he understood the charges.

Ward’s family including his father Gerry, mother Rose and older brother Gerard, who were taken hostage during the robbery, were in court to hear the charge read. Mrs. Ward broke down in tears during the hearing.

Detective Inspector Sean Wright from the PSNI said that he believed he could connect Ward to the charge.

Niall Murphy from Kevin Winters solicitors defending, asked the Detective Inspector to confirm that his client had no criminal record, had told police that he was going on holiday, had no known history of violence and had repeatedly denied being involved in the robbery and that the case against Ward was circumstantial. Continued from front...

The PSNI officer confirmed that this was all correct and said that there were four main strands of the investigation including Ward’s actions on 18 and 19 December, his actions on 20 December, his ongoing witness account and his work rota.
The PSNI are alleging that Ward manipulated the work rota in order to create a window of opportunity.

"There are four main thrusts of this investigation," said Detective Inspector Wright.

"This is an ongoing investigation, while Mr Ward has been charged the investigation continues," he added.
Mr Murphy said that he would be applying for High Court bail for Ward in the very near future.

Ward was remanded in custody to appear at Belfast Magistrates Court via video link on 4 January.


Journalist:: Roisin McManus

Belfast Telegraph

**From yesterday

PSNI trying to frame me, says accused

By Chris Thornton
07 December 2005

Police bugged Northern Bank employee Chris Ward on holiday in Spain while building the case that brought him to court today charged with stealing £26.5 million.

Details of the extensive police operation against the bank official were revealed when Ward appeared at Belfast Magistrates Court this morning as the second man accused of carrying out the heist.

The bank worker denies taking part in the robbery - which has been blamed on the IRA - and in a statement read out in court he accused police of attempting to "frame me".

Ward did not speak during today's hearing, but signalled to his family in the public gallery to keep their chins up.

The 24-year-old carried the first million pounds out of the bank during the December 20 robbery while his family was being held hostage.

He and another official, Kevin McMullan, then loaded more than £25m in cash for robbers to drive away in a lorry, making it the biggest cash robbery in UK history. Mr McMullan's wife was held hostage during the robbery.

The court heard today that police believe Ward manipulated the bank's work rota to create "a window of opportunity" for the robbery.

His solicitor, Niall Murphy, said in court that Ward drew up the rota four days before the robbery, and alleged that neither his client nor Mr McMullan had been originally scheduled to work on the day of the heist.

Detective Inspector Sean Wright confirmed during the hearing that police used "intrusive surveillance" while Ward was on holiday in Spain.

The court also heard that Ward was interviewed 50 times in the last eight days - with ten of those interviews concentrating on his own bank account.

Ward also alleged that police bugged his home at Colinmill, Poleglass, although that was not confirmed during the hearing.

The detective inspector told the court that when he charged Ward with the robbery at one o'clock this morning, the bank worker replied: "Police had bugged my house, the holiday in Spain, went through all my phone records, my bank accounts, hounded my friends, even going as far as Australia, and have tortured my family in an attempt to frame me with the Northern Bank robbery."

He said police "have held me longer than the hostage takers who seized me last year".

Detective Inspector Wright said the case against Ward is circumstantial.

Mr Murphy told the court: "My client denies absolutely this offence and, such as it is, the police case in its entirety."

Magistrate Ken Nixon remanded Ward into custody until January 4.

Another man, 23-year-old builder Dominic McEvoy from Kilcoo, Co Down, was charged with the robbery last month.

Belfast Telegraph

By Conor Sweeney
08 December 2005

Catholic victims of loyalist death squads complained of a "media bias" in favour of the family of Robert McCartney yesterday.

In Brussels to launch a campaign to get an international inquiry into loyalist murders, the group Relatives for Justice said their voices are being ignored.

"If it's not an IRA victim, no one wants to know. If it's not one of the McCartney sisters speaking, the media aren't interested," claimed Robert McClenaghan, whose grandfather was killed in a bar bomb attack in 1971. The group is also seeking to highlight alleged collusion by British intelligence services.

Mr McClenaghan rejected the suggestion the campaign was being used by Sinn Fein for its own political ends, arguing it was the only party prepared to take an interest.

He said he would like to build a broader coalition with Protestant victims, but they "don't want to know" as soon as he raises questions about collusion between the PSNI and loyalist paramilitaries.

Independent Newspapers coverage was directly criticised by Hugh Jordan, the father of IRA member Pearse Jordan, whom Hugh believes was killed by loyalist death squads in November 1992 while driving his car.

He said false claims that his son had bomb equipment were released by the RUC immediately after the killing, but were later shown to be untrue.

Belfast Telegraph

By Linda McKee
08 December 2005

Loyalist terrorist Michael Stone will come face to face with the widow and brother of one of his murder victims in a BBC2 series scheduled for next year.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu will preside over the series which will document encounters between the perpetrators and victims of the Northern Ireland Troubles.

Stone came to international notoriety in 1988 when he launched a grenade attack on mourners at Milltown Cemetery.

He later said his primary targets had been Sinn Fein leaders Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and Danny Morrison.

Stone will be confronted during the BBC2 series by the widow and brother of one of his murder victims, Dermott Hackett.

Catholic father-of-one Mr Hackett was shot 15 times by the UDA/UFF as he drove his bread van along the Omagh to Drumquin Road on May 23, 1987.

SDLP politician Denis Haughey said he believed the "unreasonable harassment" of Mr Hackett by police may have made him a target.

In 1989, Stone was sentenced to 684 years in prison for this murder, five other murders and six attempted murders. He was later released as part of the Good Friday Agreement.

BBC controller, Roly Keating, said it took a very long time to persuade people to take part in the programme and convince them that good could come of it.

"The programmes do not try to achieve a reconciliation, but at least there is some catharsis," he added.

Belfast Telegraph

Call to celebrate historic city

By Claire Regan
08 December 2005

The people of east Belfast should be shouting from the rooftops about their small patch of world being the birthplace of its greatest footballer, most famous ship and one of the best loved children's writers.

That's the view of former Belfast Lord Mayor Jim Rodgers who thinks that people in the city are "too modest" in claiming their direct link with some of the best known names on the globe.

There aren't many parts of the world with a population of around 60,000 and a geographical area of just 30 square miles that can boast having produced the likes of George Best, the magnificent Titanic, the Chronicles of Narnia writer CS Lewis and singer Van Morrison.

But east Belfast can, and should be making much more of the connection, Mr Rodgers said.

The Ulster Unionist councillor, who was born and bred in the east of the city, said: "We have undersold ourselves in the past which is sad because we have so much to sell.

"You've heard in the nativity story that wise men always come from the east. Well, that's been proved in our part of the city.

"Now's the time for us to stop being modest and starting shouting from the rooftops about what we have to offer here.

"There's no doubt that some parts have become terribly run down over the years. Let's hope now that all of us promote ourselves to let the world know what we have to offer and to provide incentive for many of our young people to come forward and make their name.

"We've already made a start with incentives like the Titanic Quarter, but there's more to do."

Mr Rodgers' comments come after the eyes of the world focused on east Belfast at the weekend when the people of Northern Ireland came out in their tens of thousands to celebrate the life of Manchester United legend George Best at his public funeral. Best grew up on the Cregagh estate and was always fiercely proud of his roots.

The east of the city is in the spotlight once again this week with the premiere of massive Disney adaptation of The Lion, The Witch And The Wardrobe, based on CS Lewis' top-selling The Chronicles of Narnia.

Lewis was born close to the Belmont Road in Dundela Villas (later demolished to make way for Dundela Flats) on November 29, 1898. At that time, Belfast was one of the most thriving cities in Europe, largely down to the world famous Harland and Wolff shipyard which had just launched the Oceanic, then the largest ship afloat.

Lewis grew up in the shadow of the yard and said the inspirational sights of shipbuilding completely captivated him as a child.

Just over a decade after his birth, the awe-inspiring Titanic, the new largest ship afloat, was built and launched from Harland and Wolff. Almost a hundred years after it sank on its maiden voyage in April, 1912 ,with the loss of 1,500 lives, the ship is still the focus of fascination.

The people of Belfast were for a long time almost ashamed of its link with the ill-fated passenger liner but that has been replaced with pride in more recent years.

The Government announced spectacular plans for the Titanic Quarter which will transform a 185-acre site in the harbour area into Europe's largest waterfront development with a £1bn investment.

cregan@belfasttelegraph.co.uk

Belfast Telegraph

By Kathryn Torney
08 December 2005

Two Belfast schools were today celebrating 20 years of integrated education.

Hazelwood Primary and Hazelwood College will join together tonight for a special carol service at St Anne's Cathedral.

The Hazelwood schools were the second integrated schools to be founded in Northern Ireland when they were established by parents in 1985.

They opened in a warehouse in York Lane and in the early days had no financial support from government.

By September 1986, they had moved to their respective permanent campuses both sited in locations under the Cave Hill and have since secured new buildings.

In this their 20th year, various events are planned to commemorate the vision of the founding parents.

Pupils, parents, past students and patrons of integrated education will attend tonight's concert.

Comedian Frank Carson will also be in attendance and has flown over from his home in England for the event.

BBC ON THIS DAY

8 December 1980


Lennon had been at a mid-town studio earlier in the evening

Former Beatle John Lennon has been shot dead by an unknown gunman who opened fire outside the musician's New York apartment.

The 40-year-old was shot several times as he entered the Dakota, his luxury apartment building on Manhattan's Upper West Side, opposite Central Park, at 2300 local time.

He was rushed in a police car to St Luke's Roosevelt Hospital Center, where he died.

His wife, Yoko Ono, who is understood to have witnessed the attack, was with him.

Shots heard

A police spokesman said a suspect was in custody, but he had no other details of the shooting.

"This was no robbery," the spokesman said, adding that Mr Lennon was probably shot by a "deranged" person.

Witness reports say at least three shots were fired and others have claimed they heard six.

There are also reports Mr Lennon staggered up six steps into the vestibule after he was shot, before collapsing.

Jack Douglas, Lennon's producer, said he and the Lennons had been at a studio called the Record Plant in mid-town earlier in the evening and Lennon left at 2230.

Mr Lennon said he planned to have some dinner and then return home, Mr Douglas said.

Fans at scene

The Lennons are said to have left their limousine on the street and walked up the driveway when the gunman opened fire.

It is unclear whether the man had been lying in wait in the entrance to the building for Mr Lennon, or whether he came up behind him.

Witnesses describe the gunman as a "pudgy kind of man", 35 to 40 years old with brown hair.

Other former band members, Paul McCartney, guitarist George Harrison and drummer Ringo Starr are thought to have been informed of Lennon's murder.

Fans have already begun arriving at the scene, many still unaware Lennon has died.

Mr Lennon is survived by his wife, their son Sean, and his son from a previous marriage, Julian.

In Context

John Lennon was shot four times in the back by Mark Chapman who had asked the former Beatle for his autograph only hours before he laid in wait and killed him.

Chapman pleaded guilty to gunning down Mr Lennon and is currently serving life in Attica prison near New York. In October 2004 he failed for the third time to secure his release.

He said he had heard voices in his head telling him to kill the world-famous musician.

Twenty years after his death millions of fans paid tribute to Mr Lennon in his home town of Liverpool and in New York.

His widow launched a campaign against gun violence in the United States to mark the anniversary.

Daily Ireland

by Ciarán Barnes

A man accused of running brothels in Belfast is a former SDLP council election candidate.
Dominic Marsella, from Chichester Avenue in the north of the city, appeared in Belfast Magistrates’ Court yesterday charged with two counts of controlled prostitution and one of trafficking people.
The PSNI shut down suspected brothels he had allegedly been running at the Lucas Building on Ormeau Avenue and Margarita Plaza on Adelaide Street on September 24. A defence solicitor said all the charges would be contested.
The case was adjourned until January 9, with Mr Marsella released on continuing £1,000 bail. At a previous court appearance on October 17, a police officer said he could connect the accused to the charges.
In the 1997 local government elections, Mr Marsella stood unsuccessfully for the SDLP in the Castlereagh Central ward of Castlereagh borough council.
It was the first time the party fielded a candidate in the area, with the 57-year-old polling 224 votes.
After his failed election attempt he drifted away from politics to concentrate on teaching languages in different schools in the Belfast and south east Antrim areas.
A spokeswoman for the North Eastern Education and Library Board confirmed he had been an employee.
She said he had taught English as an additional language at schools in the board area until being made redundant on May 31. Mr Marsella refused to speak to the press as he left court with his solicitor.
A spokeswoman for the SDLP confirmed he had been a council candidate, but that his party membership had lapsed “years ago”.

Yahoo! News

By CHRIS THORNTON, Associated Press Writer
Wed Dec 7, 9:56 AM ET

BELFAST, Northern Ireland - A Northern Bank supervisor who claimed he aided a gang of robbers under the threat of death was charged Wednesday as a willing participant in the record $50 million heist.

Chris Ward, 24, did not offer a plea as he stood in the dock for his arraignment, but his defense attorney, Niall Murphy, said the accusation that Ward was the gang's inside man was completely circumstantial.

"My client denies absolutely these offenses and, such as it is, the police case in its entirety," Murphy said.

Magistrate Ken Nixon ordered Ward held without bail until a Jan. 4 court appearance. Ward, who did not speak during the 10-minute hearing, offered a "keep your chins up" gesture — touching and lifting his chin — to relatives in the gallery as officers escorted him from the dock.

Police arrested Ward on Nov. 29 at his family home in Poleglass, an
Irish Republican Army power base on the edge of Catholic west Belfast. They interrogated him for 7 1/2 days — a half-day longer than any previous suspect in this British territory.

Government officials, police chiefs and a panel of international experts have blamed the robbery last year on the outlawed IRA, which denies involvement.

Ward said in media interviews after the heist that an armed gang took over his home the night of Dec. 19 and warned him to cooperate with a robbery of the bank's central vault or he and his family would be killed.

Ward said the gangsters drove him to deputy manager Kevin McMullan's rural home south of Belfast, where McMullan and his wife were being held hostage at gunpoint. Ward said both bank employees were given detailed instructions on aiding the robbers when they went to work the next day.

Police have not questioned McMullan as a suspect.

Video footage from bank surveillance cameras the next day showed Ward ferrying about $2.1 million in a gym bag to a gang member outside the vault, which Ward described as a test of the bank alarms.

Then, Ward said, he and McMullan pushed cart after cart of boxed cash to the gang's van within sight of passing Christmas shoppers.

Police said they were not alerted until McMullan's wife stumbled freezing out of an isolated forest where she had been taken and released. The gang had driven off with its second, final load of cash about an hour earlier.

Experts considered the Northern Bank raid the world's biggest cash robbery of a bank in peacetime until it was knocked into second place in August, when robbers stole about $70 million from a Brazilian bank.

Three other people arrested in the Northern Bank investigation were charged last month with offenses that include taking McMullan and his wife hostage, withholding information on the robbers' van and possessing documents and other information likely to be of use to the IRA or other terrorist groups.

Ward is the first figure to be charged directly with the robbery.

Northern Ireland police said they have accounted for about $9.5 million of the stolen cash.

Police in the neighboring Irish Republic seized about three-fifths of that in February raids on the homes and offices of people suspected of involvement in IRA money-laundering. Police believe the remaining two-fifths was burned before it could be seized.

Police said the bulk of the missing money has been rendered worthless because the Northern Bank — which prints and distributes its own versions of British currency — withdrew previous designs from circulation and issued new notes.

::: u.tv :::

The Irish Government today faced calls from a unionist MEP for an inquiry into collusion between members of its police force and the IRA during the Troubles.

WEDNESDAY 07/12/2005 14:58:08
By:Press Association

Ulster Unionist MEP Jim Nicholson issued the challenge as campaigners against British security force collusion with loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland lobbied parties in the European Parliament to investigate controversial murders in the province.

Mr Nicholson said: "It is only right and proper that the Irish Government conducts a public inquiry into allegations of suspected collusion between members of the garda Siochana and the Irish Republican Army in the planning and execution of acts of terrorism.

"They have not been dealt with and I think they warrant a full and impartial investigation."

The Irish Government has committed itself to an inquiry into the double killing of Royal Ulster Constabulary officers Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and Superintendent Bob Buchanan in 1989 after they returned north of the border from a meeting with Gardai.

The inquiry was recommended by retired Canadian judge Peter Cory, who also secured separate inquiries in Northern Ireland into the murders of solicitors Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson, Catholic father-of-two Robert Hamill and loyalist prisoner Billy Wright.

However Mr Nicholson pressed for a wider inquiry, arguing over the years there had been a number of serious allegations about collusion between members of the Garda and the Provisional IRA.

"Evidence of such collusion has emerged from books by respected journalists, Northern Ireland authors and individuals living in areas in which incidents such as the murder of RUC officers and the attempted murder of RUC, Royal Irish Regiment and Ulster Defence Regiment officers have occurred," the Ulster Unionist MEP said.

"There has also been the murder and attempted murder of officials of the Northern Ireland judicial system and others.

"While I recognise the attempts made by Garda officers at a local level to help and assist the RUC and the security forces with murder inquiries and other investigations, allegations of collusion will not go away until they are properly dealt with.

"The Northern Ireland Assembly debated this in a motion laid down by UUP Assembly member Danny Kennedy in 2001 which called for the Secretary of State to make representations to the Irish Government to conduct an inquiry into allegations of collusion.

"To date nothing has been done on this issue."

Mr Nicholson said unless and until there was an inquiry the wounds suffered by people, particularly unionists, in border areas who had experienced a murder campaign would not heal.

"They will never be able to have a proper relationship with the Irish Republic or trust the Irish Republic and its authorities if this issue is not resolved," he warned.

The Ulster Unionist MEP was commenting as groups including Relatives for Justice, the Campaign Against Plastic Bullets and An Fhirinne briefed MEPs and several human rights and social justice groups on collusion between members of the British Army and police with loyalist paramilitary gangs in Northern Ireland.

The group are pressing MEPs from European Parliament groups to send a cross-party delegation to Northern Ireland on a fact-finding visit about British collusion.

BBC


Twenty-nine people died in the Omagh bombing in August 1998

A £14m civil action by some relatives of Omagh bomb victims has been given the go-ahead by a court.

The Appeal Court in Belfast dismissed an application by two of the defendants to take the case to the House of Lords

Lawyers for Colm Murphy and Seamus Daly wanted to challenge a ruling that London solicitors acting for the families had not breached court rules.

It was argued the firm did not have an NI business address and was merely represented by Belfast solicitors.

Lord Chief Justice Sir Brian Kerr described the point as technical and ruled the court had the discretion to allow the proceedings to go ahead.

In court on Wednesday, a lawyer for Mr Murphy and Mr Daly applied for leave to appeal to the House of Lords.

However, Sir Brian told the lawyer: "You may be aggrieved at the decision we took, but it does not constitute of point of law of general public importance and the application is refused."

Criminal injury claims

Despite the ruling, two outstanding matters have to be resolved before a date can be fixed for the compensation hearing.

Parliament has still to approve an amendment to legislation to permit fresh legal aid to be made available to the families to fund their court claim.

In addition, a decision is still awaited in the appeal by Michael McKevitt, another of the five defendants, against his conviction and 20-year sentence for directing the RIRA.

Last month, it was revealed victims of the Omagh bomb received more than £20m in compensation.

Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain said the Compensation Agency had fully resolved 826 of 852 criminal injury claims.

Of the 220 criminal damage claims, 214 have been resolved with approximately £7.5m paid in compensation, Mr Hain added.

Earlier this year, County Armagh man Sean Hoey was the first person charged with murder in relation to the bombing.

Derry Journal

By Joe Doran


Click to view - Claudy memorial

Tuesday 6th December 2005
A man, whose mother was killed in the Claudy bombing, last night claimed he knows the identity of the people responsible for the atrocity - and has challenged them to meet him face to face. Liam McLaughlin's mother, Rosemary, was one of nine people who died when three IRA car bombs ripped through the village in a no warning attack in 1972.
Mr. McLaughlin, who now lives in America, says the bombers owe his family and the relatives of the other victims an explanation. He was speaking to the "Journal" from his home in Chicago just days after four people, including Sinn Fein MLA, Francie Brolly, were arrested in connection with the bombing but were later released without charge. After his release, Mr. Brolly said that he had nothing to do with the atrocity and had no foreknowledge of what would happen. Mr. McLaughlin, whose mother was 51-years-old when she was killed, said police investigating the bombing agree that without firm evidence no one is ever likely to be convicted.
He says 19 people were involved in the attack and many still live in the Derry and South Derry areas. The others, he says, live outside Northern Ireland. "I just want to sit down face to face with these people, look them in the eye and ask them why.
"I know who they are and I know they deny involvement in it. If they did agree to meet with me I know they would just lie again. "But I want the satisfaction of sitting down with these people and telling them what I know to be fact." Mr. McLaughlin was due to take his first step yesterday in requesting the face to face meeting. He says the reason why nine people, including three children, died was because the bombers were a "crowd of amateurs". He also questioned an alleged cover up by the British Government of the involvement of a Catholic priest in the atrocity. It has been claimed that the late Father Jim Chesney was in charge of the IRA unit which carried out bombing.
Soon after the story emerged, detectives said the government and Church shielded the cleric. The PSNI later announced a senior detective was to lead a new investigation into the attacks.
"The question is why did the British Government do a deal with the Catholic Church that let the bombers walk free. Who are they protecting?," said Liam. He added: "The Government has bent over backwards to appease terrorists. They are getting everything they want and not going to jail for their crimes. "All those responsible need to do is own up and say sorry. That would go a long way to placating everybody. "Every time this issue comes up in the papers its like our loved one has died all over again. It's not nice."

Derry Journal

Tuesday 6th December 2005

Several dozen people remembered the victims of the Droppin' Well bombing at a memorial service in Ballykelly on Sunday. Relatives of the victims stood alongside local dignitaries, British Army representatives and Limavady Borough Council officials in the pouring rain at the Shackleton Barracks service in memory of those killed in the INLA pub bombing on December 6 1982.
Of the 17 who lost their lives in the attack eleven were members of the British Army's Cheshire Regiment. A number of civilians, including five Protestants and one Catholic died in the blast, with two children among the dead. Widowers and children bereaved by the attack 23 years ago attended Sunday's event along with members of the Cheshire Regiment and the organisers, the Cheshire Regiment Association. Attending the ecumenical service for the first time, SDLP Mayor of Limavady, Michael Coyle, said it was a "very sad" event.
"That was the first time I'd been to the annual service, although other mayors have attended in the past. "It was a very sad occasion. When you think not only of the deaths in Ballykelly but the number of deaths throughout the North during 'The Troubles' you begin to question the why it all happened.
"That question is especially common in the present political climate when the level of violence is vastly reduced." However, Colr. Coyle warned that much more has yet to done to end politically-motivated violence in the North once and for all. "I think people appreciate that violence has been dramatically reduced and that the IRA has given up its arms." "But much more work must be done. We only hope that the same happens on the loyalist side so that we can all live in peace," he added.

RTE

07 December 2005 18:55


Frank Connolly

The former journalist, Frank Connolly, has said he has never been to Colombia and did not travel on a false Irish passport.

Speaking to RTÉ News, he rejected the allegation made by the Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell, that he had travelled to Colombia on a false passport.

Mr Connolly, who is the Executive Director of the Centre for Public Inquiry, said he was questioned in 2002 by gardaí but no prosecution had been taken against him.

He said a picture shown to him by gardaí in connection with the false documentation was not of him.

Mr Connolly accused Mr McDowell of abusing his position and said it was not the minister's job to interfere in the legal process.

Dáil hears claims

Speaking in the Dáil last night, the minister accused Mr Connolly of being connected with a plot by the IRA to provide the Colombian FARC guerrilla movement with expertise in the use of explosives.

In a written Dáil reply, Mr McDowell claimed Mr Connolly travelled to Colombia on a false passport in April 2001, along with his brother Niall, and a convicted IRA member, Padraig Wilson.

In a reply issued this morning, Mr Connolly said he had issued forthright denials of these 'false and malicious statements', when and where he felt it appropriate.

Mr Connolly said that what he called the 'campaign of vilification' descended to a more vicious level since his appointment to the Centre for Public Inquiry.

The centre, he said, had been targeted by 'certain elements' in Irish society which are hostile to a body established to carry out independent scrutiny.

He said Mr McDowell had done a grave injustice and damage to him, by joining what he called a 'witch hunt' against him.

He claimed the minister had also done incalculable damage to the integrity of his own office.

The real target of the 'venom and mendacity' that had been visited upon him, Mr Connolly said, was the Centre for Public Inquiry.

Newshound

(Susan McKay, Irish News)

It is a terrible thing to hear of a child so scared he says to his mother, "I'm going to die, amn't I?"

This is what Alison Mitchell's seven-year-old said to her after men petrol bombed their home in Glengormley two weeks ago. She was terrified her son might be right. Her father-in-law, Chuck, took a heart attack. Alison's husband, Gary, ran after the attackers but they got away. The family was told to get out of the area and they are now staying with relatives.

Chuck and his wife had already been intimidated out of their home in Rathcoole.

The thugs who did this would call themselves loyalists but this wasn't the usual sectarian intimidation of a Catholic family out of a Protestant area.

Gary Mitchell is a Protestant. He is a writer. He has, in a series of excellent and award-winning plays and films, given a voice to the angry men of loyalism. He has presented their dilemmas to the world and demanded that they be understood. He is passionately committed to his own people.

When I interviewed him for my book Northern Protestants – An Unsettled People in 1998, I asked him why he was so determined to stay in the place he'd grown up. He was already a highly respected dramatist and had been appointed writer in residence at the National Theatre in London.

Unmarried then, he was living with his parents in Rathcoole, flying to London only when necessary.

"Why should I leave?" he replied. "It is important for me to stay here and keep in touch with the people I'm in touch with. If you are not aware of how things are changing, you'll lose the detail and you'll write a lot of nonsense."

At the same time, a community worker in Rathcoole talked to me about how she was in high demand to sit on management committees for local groups because funding agencies required professional people to be involved.

"In Protestant areas those people have cleared off," she said.

"Our ones leave and don't look back."

She also talked about destructive ways of thinking among working-class Protestants, defeatism and apathy.

"There is also this thing of wanting to drag people down. You know. 'Who does he think he is? What would he know anyway.'"

Mitchell said he felt he'd been "psychologically damaged before I was born". He talked about what he'd learned at school. "How to talk my way out of difficult situations. How to take punches and kicks. How to get up and walk away." He hated it. Later on, he spoke to a careers teacher about wanting to be a writer. The response? "Well you can forget about that for a start." The teacher told the teenager he had no choice and no chance and then how to go and sign on the dole.

The painter, Dermot Seymour, who is from the Shankill Road, told me that being a Northern Protestant for him was "like having no head, in the sense that your are not allowed to think – there is this constant putting each other down so that no one moves. It is a world of inferiority complex." There was a "pride in being ignorant".

An artist got slagged off as a homosexual.

If you were different, you were 'a Lundy'. Lundy was the Protestant governor who proposed a "timely capitulation" to end the 1688 siege of Derry.

He was driven out as a traitor.

Mitchell was on the dole for years, doing 'murky' things. When he did a drama course, his peers said acting was for "Taigs and faggots". However, he forged his path.

"I made the journey through violence and out the other end. I learned that you CAN talk, you CAN compromise and everyone CAN win so there is no loser."

This is a lesson loyalists have been trained by their political leaders NOT to learn.

In one of Mitchell's plays, a politician tells a paramilitary lieutenant to speak to the foot soldiers about knocking off the violence. He replies: "They don't talk. They don't listen. They follow orders. I made them that way."

Mitchell has eloquently explained the mindset of those who turned on him.

One of his plays is called In a Little World of Our Own. Another is As the Beast Sleeps. Artists like him should be celebrated by their people and supported by all of us. Not burned and banished. They burned Lundy in Derry last weekend. They do it every year.

December 7, 2005
________________

This article appeared first in the December 6, 2005 edition of the Irish News.

Irelandclick.com

Cops clueless as more details emerge of what kidnap victims had to go through.

Cops carry out forensic examination on Poleglass home after £22million robbery



A family home in West Belfast was yesterday forensically examined as part of the investigation into the robbery of £22 million from the Northern Bank.

The Ward family from Colinmill in Poleglass were held hostage at gunpoint for 25 hours by those behind the heist. Son Christopher (22), who works for the Northern Bank Cash Centre at Donegall Square West, was kidnapped from his home as part of the elaborate robbery plan.

Neighbours in Colinmill say that they are shocked that the close-knit family were held hostage in the area. They have described both Christopher and the other members of the Ward family as quiet people who keep themselves to themselves. It is believed that the family will now require counselling for the ordeal they endured.

Christopher is a leading member of one of the north’s top Celtic Supporters’ Clubs, Eire Go Bragh.

The PSNI have said at this stage that they are not in a position to say who carried out the robbery, but have said that the number of robbers in the gang ran into double figures. They are examining a number of lines of enquiry and said that one of the lines of enquiry they are spending much time looking at is paramilitary involvement in the incident.

The stolen money is made up of £12 million in new Northern Bank £10 and £20 notes, £1.15 million in new Northern Bank £100 and £50 notes, and in excess of £5 million in used notes.

Events began to unfold at 10pm on Sunday night when a number of masked men went to the Ward family home. At home at the time with Christopher were his parents, Rose and Gerry, Christopher’s brother, Gerard, and Gerard’s girlfriend.

The masked men entered the house and at least two masked men stayed with the family for over 24 hours, holding them at gunpoint. Christopher was taken in a red car from Colinmill in Poleglass to Loughinsland Road near Downpatrick, where his supervisor, Kevin McMullan, lives. When Christopher arrived in Downpatrick masked men had already taken over the house. Men dressed as PSNI officers had earlier called at the Co Down house and told Mr McMullan that a member of his family had been killed in a road accident. A gun was then put to the bank official’s head and he was tied up. The man’s wife was taken in a car to an unknown location where she was held for 24 hours.

At around 6.30am the masked men left the house in Downpatrick and gave instructions to the bank officials as to what they were to do. The bank workers went into work at midday and carried on as normal during the afternoon. Both men were working in the cash centre in the basement of the bank in Wellington Street. At 6pm one of the workers left the bank on foot carrying a holdall and walked to Upper Queen Street where he met a man.

The holdall, containing in excess of £1 million in new notes, was handed over to a man wearing a hat and a scarf.

Over the next few hours more money from the cash centre was loaded on to crates. Twice, shortly after 7pm and shortly after 8pm, a white van registration number RCZ 6632, called at the Wellington Street entrance to the bank and took away substantial amounts of cash. The van headed towards Grosvenor Road and the Westlink, say cops. The PSNI will now examine hundreds of hours of CCTV footage from the bank and city centre cameras in an attempt to identify those who took part in the raid.

Detective Superintendent Andy Sproule, who is in charge of the investigation, said that at the time of going to press no arrests had been planned. He said that although forensic examinations were ongoing, he believed that the robbers had been “forensically aware”.

“There is clear evidence that the individuals who took over the houses were forensically aware and that they took precautions so that they could not be forensically traced.”

Christopher Ward and Kevin McMullan are currently being interviewed by the PSNI in a bid to get further information on the heist gang.

“The bank employees are being interviewed as witnesses and the line of enquiry in relation to insider involvement is ongoing but it happens in all these type of enquiries and this is standard procedure,” added the PSNI officer.

The National Australia Bank, which owns the Northern Bank, said the robbery would have no knock-on effect on the sale of the Northern to the Danish Danske Bank Group announced earlier this month.

"The theft is covered by self-insurance and, as such, National Australia Bank will bear the impact of any losses arising from the theft."

Journalist:: Roisin McManus

BBC

A bank worker charged with a £26.5m robbery has accused police of "hounding and torturing his family and friends" in order to "frame" him.

Chris Ward, 24, from Colinmill, Poleglass, has been charged with the 2004 Northern Bank robbery in Belfast.

He appeared at the city's magistrates' court on Wednesday where he spoke only to confirm he understood the charge.

But the court heard that when charged, he said police had held him "longer than the hostage takers" to frame him.

"Police have bugged my house (and) a holiday in Spain, went through all my phone records, my bank accounts, hounded my friends - even going as far as Australia," he was reported to have said, when he was charged at Antrim police station on Wednesday.

"They have tortured my family in an attempt to frame me with the Northern Bank robbery.

Mr Ward accused police of "framing" him

"Police have failed in all these attempts. They have held me longer than the hostage takers who seized me last year."

A detective inspector told the court he could connect Mr Ward with the charges.

The court was told that the case against him was based on four main areas: his actions on 18 and 19 December; his actions on 20 December, the day of the raid; his original account of what happened and a works rota.

Mr Ward was remanded in custody to appear by video link next month.

He was arrested just over a week ago at his Poleglass home.

The bank robbery was the biggest cash theft in UK history.

Three men have already been charged in connection with the raid.

Belfast Telegraph

By Brian Walker
07 December 2005

The Secretary of State has said the Government will keep its word to Sinn Fein by not forcing IRA fugitives to appear in court when they return to Northern Ireland.

But he has hinted he could be forced to compromise if the majority view in Parliament is weighted against it.

Mr Hain was speaking to the Belfast Telegraph hours after MPs of all parties attending the Commons unleashed a bitter attack against the Bill on the first day of detailed scrutiny in committee.

Committee sessions will extend over the next two Tuesdays and Thursdays and MPs may sit into the small hours picking apart 250 amendments.

This record number of proposed alterations is designed to bury the Bill under its own weight. The Government may seek a truce with MPs later but is adopting a "wait and see " attitude now.

Leading for the DUP, Peter Robinson called the Bill "profane and unacceptable in every direction."

To SDLP leader Mark Durkan it was "the most awful legislation to do with Ireland that the House has ever had in front of it."

Joining the chorus, Ulster Unionist Sylvia Hermon predicted it would never make it through the Lords.

It is when the Lords seek to block the Bill that ministers are likely to offer concessions.

Commenting on the latest attacks, Mr Hain held out hopes of a compromise over demands to set a formal time limit on the whole process. He will have powers to do so himself.

"On the time limit, there may not be a lot of difference," he said.

Asked if he thought Sinn Fein would stop co-operating if the Bill was changed to compel offenders to plead before tribunals in person, he replied that "any party that does not attend Parliament to persuade their fellow members on the detail of the Bill, though not its principle, have only themselves to blame."

On Gerry Adams' objections to including the security forces in the conditional amnesty he said: "I will not accept their removal. I took the decision to include them with the Prime Minister's full support in the late summer."

The issue of bringing the security forces within the scope of the Bill produced the first crack in the parties' united front, when Mark Durkan was pressed by Peter Robinson.

Asked by the DUP deputy leader to say if he would oppose an outcome which would benefit terrorists but not the security forces, Mr Durkan said he "saw no problem in holding the governments to account on the original premise of the legislation ".

Mr Hain said he would "wait and see " what changes opposition parties could unite around.

But he added: "The principle of the OTRs Bill, including their non-appearance before the tribunal, was agreed at Weston Park."

Belfast Telegraph

**See also Bank hostage ordeal and Belfast bank worker upset

Northern employee in court today

By Chris Thornton
07 December 2005

The man who carried the first million pounds out of the Northern Bank in Belfast a year ago was accused today of taking part in the massive robbery.

Poleglass man Chris Ward (24), was charged by police in the early hours of this morning with robbery over the £26.5m heist and was due to appear at a court in Belfast today.

Ward's family were held hostage last December during the record heist - the largest cash robbery in history.

As the carefully planned operation unfolded at the bank's Donegall Square West headquarters, Ward carried out around £1m in a holdall. He said in a newspaper interview in January that he handed over the cash to a man at a bus stop after his family had been threatened.

That handover was believed to have been a test run for the main phase of the robbery. Mr Ward and another employee whose wife was being held, Kevin McMullan, then loaded up more cash that was taken away by a lorry.

Ward, from Colinmill, Poleglass, was arrested on November 29 for questioning about the huge theft.

Yesterday he became the person held longest under new anti-terrorism legislation in Northern Ireland when a series of court hearings approved a police application to question him for an eighth day.

His lawyers had protested that they had been excluded from part of the hearing approving the police request.

During that part of the hearing, police detailed five topics they wanted to put to Ward during extra interviews.

The High Court was convened in the middle of the night to discuss the exclusion, but Mr Justice Anthony Hart said the judge who excluded Mr Ward and his lawyer had acted within his powers.

Afterwards Ward's solicitor, Niall Murphy, said: "He continues to protest his innocence."

Police had initially interviewed Ward on video tape as a witness in the days immediately after the robbery.

In January he also spoke to the BBC and the Irish News.

In the newspaper interview, Ward said the robbers told him: "If you co-operate everything will be okay. If you don't, you and your family are dead."

He also said he believed people suspected him of being involved in the robbery. "They don't say it directly, but there is an insinuation that because I am a west Belfast Catholic that I must have been part of the robbery," he said.

But Ward said he would never have put his family through ordeal they suffered during the robbery.

A 35-year-old man arrested yesterday for questioning was released without charge.

Another Northern Bank worker, Seaneen McKenna, is issuing civil proceedings against police after she was arrested last week along with Ward. Ms McKenna has since been released.

BreakingNews.ie

07/12/2005 - 08:21:38

The Irish Justice Minister has abused parliamentary privilege by repeating unfounded allegations in the Dáil, Sinn Féin claimed today.

Michael McDowell last night accused the director of the Centre for Public Inquiry, journalist Frank Connolly, of being linked to a plot by the IRA to provide Colombian terrorists with bombing-making information in return for cash.

In a written reply to a Dáil question by independent TD Finian McGrath, Mr McDowell claimed that Mr Connolly travelled to the Farc-controlled region of Colombia on a false passport in April 2001 along with convicted IRA member, Padraig Wilson.

The visit was a well-organised sinister enterprise, the minister claimed.

Mr Connolly last night rejected the allegations and accused the minister of being part of a “witch hunt” aimed at destroying the Centre for Public Inquiry, which promotes ethics and accountability in public life.

Mr McDowell claimed under Dáil privilege that Mr Connolly also travelled with his brother, Niall, one of the Colombia Three, who re-appeared in Ireland in August after jumping bail in Bogota.

Sinn Féin today accused Mr McDowell of abusing his powers within the Dáil.

A party spokesman said of the minister’s claims: “It is an outrageous abuse of parliamentary privilege by the minister as these allegations are completely unfounded.”

In his reply to Mr McGrath, Mr McDowell said he had been informed by gardaí that prior to the arrest of the so-called Colombia Three in August 2001, authorities had established that three Irish people also entered Farc-controlled territory on false passports, and one of those was Frank Connolly.

He added under Dáil privilege: “On the basis of intelligence reports furnished to me, the [April and August] visits appear to have been connected with an arrangement whereby the Provisional IRA furnished knowhow in the use of explosives.

“The consideration received by the Provisional IRA under the arrangement is believed to be the payment of a large amount of money by Farc, which finances its activities by its control of the cocaine trade in the area of Colombia which it controls.”

Mr Connolly is expected to make a statement today to completely refute the allegations.

Irish Independent

Clock ticks down to strike as talks to resolve dispute end in stalemate

Paul Melia

TRADE unions from across the UK will protest at Holyhead port in Wales today in support of SIPTU workers currently embroiled in a dispute with Irish Ferries over plans to employ low-paid Eastern European workers.

The move comes as talks at the Labour Relations Commission in Dublin ended in stalemate last night with no end in sight to the dispute which has suspended Irish Ferries services for the past 11 days.

SIPTU regional secretary Patricia King said that talks being held today would determine if the matter could be resolved within the LRC. The union has served strike notice to take effect from tonight if there is no agreement.

Talks, which begin at 10am, are expected to last the day.

Asked if the strike would be extended to all SIPTU branches, Ms King said: "It's a matter for how people react."

Exploitation

Today at least six UK-based unions will travel to Holyhead to support Irish Ferries workers and to highlight the issues of job displacement, exploitation and employment standards, John Tilley from the RMT, the union representing rail, maritime and transport workers, said.

"We've organised it at the request of the ITF (International Transport Workers Federation)," he said. "We're bringing a coach load from Liverpool and from parts of Wales as well. We're thinking it'll be a pretty good turn-out. While the Irish workers are stuck on the vessels we'll be demonstrating support.

"But there are other issues as well. The Irish workers on the ships have not had access to their trade union and under international maritime law they're entitled to that. Not only is that illegal, it's also a breach of their human rights.

"Irish Ferries have not allowed the unions near the ships on the spurious grounds of security, which is a disgrace. We're not looking to disrupt the port, we're going to support our Irish colleagues."

Meanwhile, the Irish Bishops Conference has lent its support to Friday's National Day of Protest, saying that the Irish Ferries dispute "draws attention" to how migrant workers were treated in Ireland. It called for a resolution to the dispute that respected the "rights of all involved".

In a statement, the Irish Commission for Justice and Social Affairs said that while labour costs were "a legitimate concern", Irish Ferries was a profitable company and the desire to maximise returns should not be made at the expense of workers or in a manner which would undermine society's acceptance of "appropriate standards of employment and rates of pay".

Disruption

The ICJSA said the dispute had the potential to undermine the social partnership, and that society should ensure that immigrants were not exploited but paid a "just wage".

"Social partnership promotes an ideal of equity or fairness, and it is at least arguable that this model of social partnership has in recent years gone some way towards countering inequities in Irish society," the statement read.

"In this light, the ICJSA offers its support for the day of protest on December 9 that is being organised by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions."

Yesterday, it also emerged that members of the National Bus and Rail Union would support Friday's National Day of Protest, which would lead to some disruption in city bus services.

However, inter-city and commuter rail services are not expected to be affected.

RTE

06 December 2005 23:08



The Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell, has accused former journalist Frank Connolly of travelling to Colombia on a false Irish passport in the company of a known member of the IRA.

In a written reply to a Dáil question, the minister claimed the visit was connected to that of the so-called Colombia Three, and was part of what he called 'a well-organised sinister enterprise'.

Mr Connolly is currently the Executive Director of the Centre for Public Inquiry, a privately funded body which aims to promote integrity, ethics and accountability in public life.
Advertisement

The minister has previously claimed that Mr Connolly had questions to answer about a trip to Colombia using a false passport - allegations which Mr Connolly has denied.

Now, in a written answer to a Parliamentary Question, Minister McDowell has gone further, claiming that Mr Connolly travelled to a region of Colombia controlled by FARC guerrillas in April 2001.

He claimed Mr Connolly was in the company of his brother Niall, later one of the so-called Colombia Three, and Padraig Wilson, a known member of the IRA.

The minister claimed the visit was connected with that of the Colombia Three, that both groups had access to false passports obtained as part of a well-organised sinister enterprise, and that the visits were connected with the IRA providing training in the use of explosives in return for large amounts of money from FARC.

It is understood Mr Connolly may issue a statement, which is expected to reject the minister's accusations, and to suggest they are aimed at undermining the work of the Centre for Public Inquiry.

BreakingNews.ie

06/12/2005 - 18:19:47


Click to view - Sellafield

The Government tonight expressed concern about the safety of the Sellafield nuclear plant after a temporary evacuation had to be carried out.

An inspection at a sampling location on one of the plant’s High Activity Storage Tanks (HAST) on Sunday uncovered very high dose rates.

Environment Minister Dick Roche said he had been informed by the British authorities of the test results today.

“This incident presents continuing evidence of a facility where safety seems to be compromised and a plant which does not match up to the safety assurances being made on its behalf by the UK authorities,” he said.

The high dose rate is believed to be have been caused by a blockage in the pipe loop from which the samples were taken. No radioactive material escaped from the tanks but the area was temporarily evacuated as a precaution.

The Radiological Protection Institute (RPII) has also been informed of the incident and has confirmed that the minor incident has no adverse implications for Ireland.

The Government unsuccessfully took legal action against Britain in 2001 to prevent the completion of a reprocessing plant at the nuclear power station.

It is concerned at the environmental impact of the Cumbria plant on the Irish Sea and continues to press for its closure.

BreakingNews.ie

06/12/2005 - 18:37:50

Irish soldiers may be deployed to Sierra Leone as part of a United Nations mission to secure a court trying people charged with war crimes, it emerged today.

Defence Minister Willie O’Dea said the Cabinet had granted permission for members of the Defence Force serving in Liberia to be deployed to Sierra Leone as part of the extension of the mission.

But the Dáil also has to grant permission for the expansion of the United Nations Mission in Liberia before Ireland can participate in the expanded mission.

The extended role of the troops on the UNMIL would include providing security detail for a Special Court in Freetown and to evacuate officials in the event of a serious security crisis.

The Freetown Court was established by the UN and the Government of Sierra Leone to try those charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity during the country’s Civil War between 1991-2002.

Six trial judges – including one Irish judge and five appeal judges – preside over the court.

“13 people have been indicted by the Court already, nine are in custody in Freetown, two are now deceased and one is currently missing presumed dead,” Mr O’Dea said.

“The remaining indictee is the former President of Liberia Charles Taylor who has been in exile in Nigeria since August 2003. The possible extradition of Charles Taylor would serve to heighten tensions in the area and would have a serious impact on the security situation.

“As part of the UN Resolution approved today by my Cabinet colleagues and I, the Irish troops’ role in Liberia has been extended to include the apprehension, detention and transfer to the Special Court in Freetown in the event of Charles Taylor’s return to Liberia.”

Mr O’Dea said the security situation in Freetown was likely to become more volatile when verdicts in the case of some detainees are handed down in January 2006 – the proposed start date for the troops’ involvement.

Mr O’Dea said the Cabinet also approved the continued deployment of the Defence Forces for peacekeeping service in Liberia, Bosnia and Herzegovina for another 12 months.

Around 427 Irish troops are involved in the UN Mission in Liberia, which commenced in December 2003.

Around 56 members of Ireland’s Defence Force are currently serving in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Belfast Telegraph

By Tom Brady
06 December 2005

A man, who was interviewed by police investigating the massive Northern Bank robbery in Belfast, has been detained in Australia.

The man and his girlfriend, who is an employee in the Irish Embassy in Sydney, were held early yesterday by the immigration authorities there.

The woman was later released by the authorities after questioning.

Police in Belfast last night stressed that the man had not been arrested in relation to the bank robbery last December.

A direct link between the robbery and the IRA money laundering operation smashed by gardai in Cork earlier this year has since been alleged by gardai.

The PSNI said last night they were aware of a hearing relating to an immigration issue in Australia and concerning an individual from Northern Ireland.

But they would not comment on any particular line of inquiry in their investigation or whether they were interested in any particular given individual.

The man had been interviewed in the past by the PSNI after police established he was a friend of an official of the bank and might, unwittingly, have been aware of some crucial information on the events leading up to the heist.

As a result of inquiries over the past few months, detectives have been considering whether to seek to interview the man again about fresh information that has come to light during their investigation.

Meanwhile, investigators were continuing last night to question Northern Bank employee, Chris Ward (24), who was arrested by police at his home in the nationalist Poleglass area of Belfast last Tuesday.

Mr Ward, who has been on sick leave since the robbery, is being held at the serious crime suite at Antrim police station.

He and his family had been held hostage by the IRA in the lead up to the robbery and they were warned they would be killed if he did not co-operate.

Mr Ward said gunmen burst into his home and he was then bundled into a car and taken to the home of a bank supervisor, Kevin McMullan in Loughinisland, Co Down.

The two men were then ordered to report for work as normal the next day while their families were kept captive.

Mr Ward said he was given instructions to stuff £1.2m sterling into a sports bag and carry it out of the bank as a dummy run.

After the money was handed over to a gang member he and Mr McMullan had to fill 24 green boxes with cash and carry them to a loading bay where they told security guards that they were bringing out rubbish which was to be collected in a van.

CCTV footage later showed a white van making two large collections from the bank premises.

The arrest of Mr Ward and another bank official, who was later released from custody without charge, came as Gardai and the PSNI worked closely together on the probe.

"Speak urged supporters to tell the pub staff about two macaque monkeys 'imprisoned' for over 15 years. 'Why not point out that this is just the tip of the iceberg and that while the staff of the department of experimental psychology party the night away, countless primates and other animals are huddled in barren cages, lonely, scared and suffering.' added the email message."


>>READ ON

BreakingNews.ie

**See DUP suspends member...

06/12/2005 - 17:30:53



A suspended member of the Rev Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party has launched libel proceedings against the BBC and two newspapers.

In a statement issued through his solicitors, Newry and Armagh Assembly member Paul Berry insisted he had no intention of resigning from the party despite newspaper claims at the weekend.

Mr Berry confirmed in a statement issued through the law firm Madden and Finucane that he had initiated libel proceedings against the Sunday World over a report which claimed he met a male masseur in a Belfast hotel.

He announced he would also sue the BBC and the Irish News.

The Assembly member said: “This article has caused considerable personal stress and anxiety to me and my family and I intend to challenge the newspaper in court.

“I will take whatever legal action necessary to clear my name.

“I have taken time to consider my position and have formulated a strategy that I am continuing to implement.”

Mr Berry was suspended by the DUP in August following the allegations.

Last month the Newry and Armagh MLA took injunction proceedings against the party, blocking disciplinary action.

Mr Berry said he reluctantly took this action against the DUP.

“I have no intention of resigning (from the party) and I intend to continue to represent my constituents to the best of my ability,” he vowed.

“Over the past few months I have received many messages of support and encouragement from friends and constituents and I would like to thank everyone concerned.”

BreakingNews.ie

06/12/2005 - 12:37:02

Police in the North have made another arrest in connection with last December's £26.5m robbery at Northern Bank headquarters in Belfast.

The 35-year-old man, who was detained in the city this morning, is the 12th person to be arrested in connection with the raid over the past month.

One has since been charged with carrying out the massive theft, while another two were charged with less serious offences.

A 24-year-old Northern Bank employee who was held hostage by the raiders also remains in police custody following his arrest last week.

BBC

Senior police officers have said they are worried about plans to allow paramilitary fugitives to return to NI without serving a prison sentence.

The first hearing in the committee stage of the Northern Ireland (Offences Bill) will take place on Tuesday.

The plan covers up to 150 people wanted for crimes committed before 1998.

The Superintendents' Association vice-president, Wesley Wilson, said if fugitives did not have to appear in court would damage public confidence.

"A victim and a witness will have to appear in one of these courts - and if they didn't answer a subpoena from the court they would be liable to fines or imprisonment," Chief Superintendent Wilson said.

"How fair is that to the victims of these crimes when the potential offenders don't even have to appear?"

On Monday, SDLP leader Mark Durkan said the law was "badly flawed".

He was speaking after meeting Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern.

"They (the British government) are intent on covering up the past with the OTR legislation," he said.


SDLP leader Mark Durkan raised his concerns with Mr Ahern

Those covered under the legislation would have their cases heard by a special tribunal, and if found guilty, would be freed on licence without having to go to jail.

The government and Sinn Fein argue that it clears up "an anomaly" left by the release of those already in jail after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.

The proposed law would set up a two-stage process. First a "certification officer" would decide if someone was eligible for the scheme.

This could be a paramilitary on-the-run, someone living in Northern Ireland who is charged with an offence before 1998 or a member of the security forces accused of an offence committed when they were combating terrorism.

The case would then go to a special tribunal, consisting of a retired judge sitting without a jury. The tribunal would have all the normal powers of the Crown Court but the accused would not have to appear for their trial.

If found guilty they would have a criminal record but would be freed on licence. They would have to provide fingerprints and DNA samples to be granted their licence.

The scheme will be temporary but a precise cut-off period is not specified in the bill - instead its expiry is linked to the lifetime of the chief constable's historic cases review team, which is looking at unsolved murders during the Troubles.

Belfast Telegraph

Parties urge Rooker to think again

By Noel McAdam
06 December 2005

A clash over the Government's creation of seven councils across Northern Ireland was on the cards today.

Direct rule minister Lord Rooker was today expected to face the anger of DUP, SDLP, UUP and Alliance members opposed to the radical blueprint.

The cross-party council leaders were holding their first meeting with the Government since the decision to form seven councils from the present 26 was announced.

In their first salvo against the direct rule team, the Northern Ireland Local Government Association (NILGA) urged Lord Rooker to think again.

And they were due to demand the minister sets up a joint meeting with them and party leaders before Christmas to see if the seven-council verdict can be reversed.

SDLP NILGA vice-president Helen Quigley said: "It is not appropriate for direct rule ministers to come into Northern Ireland, albeit for a short-term period, just to simply split the province.

"We will stand strong and united to prevent this from happening."

Only Sinn Fein, among the major parties, is in favour of the seven-council model, a stance which has lead to the suspension of senior member Francie Molloy, a former NILGA president, who shares its view in favour of 15 councils.

Today's meeting with Lord Rooker comes after discussions last week between NILGA and party representatives who agreed to "work together in the coming months to ensure the seven-council model is overturned and a more democratic system is put in place".

NILGA chief executive Heather Moorehead said after the suspension of Dungannon councillor Molloy, no substitute nomination was made and no Sinn Fein representative was present.

Alliance leader David Ford attended, however, along with DUP MP William McCrea, SDLP MLA Tommy Gallagher and UUP MLA David McClarty.

Mr McCrea said he feared the £235m projected savings from the review will not be realised and had been flagged up to gain public sympathy.

It would also amount to a "carve up" along sectarian lines, with three unionist-controlled councils in the east of the province and three nationalist-dominated councils in the west along with a keenly-balanced Belfast - which would have the potential to be politically explosive, he added.

Mrs Quigley, a Londonderry councillor, also argued that Secretary of State Peter Hain's denial that the seven-council model will not lead to a "sectarian carve-up" was "scandalous and irresponsible".

"He should take note of the vast majority of opinions and concerns expressed by citizens at a local level who now realise that the seven-council model is not practical," she added.

Belfast Telegraph

By Chris Thornton
06 December 2005

Two Troubles widows could end up on opposite sides in a court battle over the appointment of the Victims' Commissioner.

Brenda Downes, whose husband was killed by the RUC, may take a case against the Government challenging the appointment of Bertha McDougall, whose husband was murdered while serving in the RUC.

Yesterday Mrs McDougall visited the victims' group to which Mrs Downes belongs, but it is understood the two women did not meet.

Lawyers for Mrs Downes, whose husband Sean was killed by a plastic bullet in 1984, have written to the Secretary of State Peter Hain about the appointment of Mrs McDougall.

Mrs McDougall was appointed to a one-year term in October.

Her husband, Lindsay, was an RUC reservist. He was shot in the back by the INLA in 1981.

When she was appointed Mrs McDougall said she would "be treating people equally" as Commissioner.

Several political parties have claimed Mrs McDougall's appointment was a "political handout" to the DUP. The DUP said it "supported" her selection.

Mrs Downes, a member of Relatives for Justice, said she believes the appointment ignored quality legislation.

"It is not an independent appointment and will erode confidence in the post," she said.

She said the legislation was "about ending the situation whereby government simply made political appointments and discriminated against individuals and communities.

"The appointment of Mrs McDougall is clearly politically motivated and as such the NIO and Peter Hain did not follow any procedures or processes in line with the law," Mrs Downes added.

Belfast Telegraph

By Debra Douglas
06 December 2005

The Co Down village where Lisa Dorrian lived held a minute's silence for her as the Christmas lights were switched on last night.

A lone piper played a rendition of Amazing Grace as local residents who had gathered in the green at Conlig to see the lights switched on fell silent for one minute to remember the missing 25-year-old who disappeared ten months ago.

Speaking to the Belfast Telegraph today, her sister Joanne said it was an emotional night.

"The Mayor asked everyone to take a minute to remember us and everything we are going through at this time of year. It was hard for us and very emotional, but we also took great comfort from everyone's support," she said.

"It is really nice of people to take the time to remember Lisa and afterwards, a couple of people came up to mum and threw their arms around her, saying they didn't know us but that they are thinking of us all and that they hope we find some peace.

"We had no idea of what was planned until the piper called at our door to ask for permission and it was a really nice thing for the council to do for us and Lisa."

Joanne said the prospect of a Christmas without her sister was unbearable.

"It is getting more and more scary by the day. We are going to have to try and get through Christmas without her which just doesn't bear thinking about," she added.

Lisa, a 25-year-old shop worker, disappeared on February 28 after a party at a caravan park in Ballyhalbert on the Ards peninsula. Despite extensive air, land and sea searches, her body has not been recovered.

Belfast Telegraph

By Maureen Coleman
06 December 2005

A priest who refused to celebrate funeral Mass because the coffin was draped in an Irish tricolour today defended his stance.

Fr Brendan Beagon, parish priest at the Church of the Holy Spirit on the Glen Road, removed the flag from the coffin and replaced it with a pall, saying that it breached the rules of the Catholic Church.

But the family of the dead man, Billy McDonnell - a lifelong republican - replaced the flag and refused to remove it, prompting Fr Beagon to say he could not celebrate Mass.

Mr McDonnell's funeral went ahead at Holy Trinity Church in Turf Lodge.

His son Liam said that the body was taken to the Church of the Holy Spirit on Sunday and that the coffin was draped in the tricolour at his father's request.

He said that a priest in the church objected to the flag but relented after the family said they would take the coffin elsewhere. The priest then continued to carry out a blessing.

However, when the family returned the following day for Requiem Mass, the flag had been removed and had been replaced with a white pall.

Defending his position, Fr Beagon said the family had told another priest, Fr Tarmey, that they would take the coffin back to the deceased's home if the flag was removed.

He said that when he was told this, he removed the tricolour and replaced it with the pall "in accordance with the provisions of the Liturgical Commission".

"On Monday morning the tricolour had been replaced on the coffin and the deceased's son, when it was explained that the proper liturgical covering for a coffin in a church is a pall, refused to remove the tricolour," he said.

"I then informed him that the liturgical funeral service could not be celebrated, but that Fr Tarmey would say the prayers at the graveside. He told me that they would get someone else to do this."

Bishop of Down and Connor Dr Patrick Walsh said relatives were asked to respect the right of the Church to regulate how the funeral Mass should be celebrated.

But he added that it should be celebrated in any case.

"Having explained the regulations and the reason for them, one would trust that the relatives would accept the regulations," he said.

"If not, this poses a great difficulty for the priest, but in the circumstances the funeral mass should be celebrated so that the deceased will be buried with dignity."

Belfast Telegraph

By Chris Thornton
06 December 2005

Government plans for restorative justice could be heading for a stalemate today after the most prominent restorative justice scheme in republican areas said it will not sign up to the plan until their is an overall settlement on policing.

Community Restorative Justice Ireland gave a cautious welcome to yesterday's publication of draft guidelines for restorative justice, which brings offenders and victims together to decide on penalties.

The guidelines would see all cases referred to the PSNI, leading CRJI spokesman Noel McCartney to state: "We will not be able to actually implement agreed arrangements until there is an overall political settlement on policing".

But Criminal Justice Minister David Hanson said police involvement is "not negotiable".

This raised an immediate question mark over how effective the Government regulations will be if a group is determined to operate outside them.

The Government does not fund the organisations, so it cannot withdraw money.

Under the guidelines, the Government will accredit the schemes, but it is not clear whether any scheme operating without accreditation would be violating the law.

The Government addressed concerns that the schemes could bypass the PSNI in the guidelines, saying restorative justice schemes must have an "unambiguous and appropriate relationship" with police.

But the SDLP and unionists said they remain concerned about the proposals.

SDLP leader Mark Durkan said the proposals could unleash a situation where "local warlords will be acting as if they are law lords".

Sinn Fein Assembly member Gerry Kelly accused the SDLP of peddling myths.

"These schemes have been operating successfully in the north since 1999 and we have not heard this hysterical opposition before now," he said.

BBC


The groups are seeking the support of the European parliament

Campaign groups from NI which claim the British state colluded in the murder of their relatives are seeking the support of the European parliament.

Twenty-five representatives will meet human rights organisations and European politicians over the next two days.

Robert McClenaghan, from the group An Fhirinne (Irish for The Truth) said they wanted to raise the profile of their campaign.

"We will be meeting with MEPs and those who are interested in truth," he said.

"Part of the reason for the visit to Brussels is to secure the promise of an EU fact finding mission to Ireland in order to deepen their understanding of this issue."

BBC


Thomas Devlin was murdered in a knife attack

Detectives investigating the murder of schoolboy Thomas Devlin have carried out several searches in north Belfast.

The police said premises in the Mount Vernon and White City areas had been searched in connection with his death.

A number of items were removed for further examination. Police said the searches were part of an "ongoing and active inquiry".

Thomas, 15, was stabbed five times as he and two friends walked along Somerton Road on 10 August.

In September, the police confirmed the prime suspects in the investigation were two young men with a black and white dog.

Thomas, a student at Belfast Royal Academy, was a talented musician who played the horn at school.

He had just bought sweets from a nearby shop and was on his way home when he was stabbed in the back five times.

His 18-year-old friend was injured in the attack, but not seriously. A 16-year-old boy managed to escape.

A number of people detained for questioning about the murder were subsequently released without charge.

Thomas' mother Penny Holloway has said whoever attacked her son meant to kill him.

BBC


Police have been given more time to question Chris Ward

Detectives investigating the £26.5m Northern Bank robbery in Belfast have been granted a further 48 hours to question a man.

Chris Ward, 24, was arrested by police on 29 November.

This is the third extension detectives have been given to question Mr Ward, an employee of the bank which was robbed in December last year.

After the robbery, Mr Ward described on television how he was held captive in the run-up to it.

Last week police carried out searches of grounds belonging to the Gaelic Athletic Association in west Belfast in connection with the robbery.

The GAA expressed shock at the investigation at Casement Park, where Mr Ward worked part-time.

A police spokesman said the search was part of an investigation into serious crime.

Of the 11 people questioned to date in connection with the raid, three have appeared in court.

Some money seized in County Cork last February was linked to the robbery, but virtually all of the missing millions remain unrecovered.

Police on both sides of the Irish border subsequently blamed the IRA for the raid.

From PFC News List

Relatives for Justice have been requested to release the following statement by Brenda Downes, a member of Relatives for Justice.

Widow of plastic bullet victim to challenge Secretary of State on Victims Commissioner appointment

Press Release
Monday 5th December 2005

Brenda Downes, the widow of John Downes murdered by the RUC at an anti-internment rally in Andersonstown in 1984 when shot at point blank range in the chest, is set to challenge the Secretary of State on his recent appointment of Victims Commissioner Bertha McDougall. Brenda Downes has also called on the Victims Commissioner to step aside in the interests of fairness, openness, independence and equality.

Lawyers acting for Brenda Downes have recently written to the British Secretary of State, Peter Hain, seeking information surrounding the appointment of Bertha McDougall as Victims Commissioner. Mrs Downes lawyers contest that the appointment is in breach of Section 75 - the Equality Act.

Speaking about the action Mrs Downes said:

'As a result of the Good Friday Agreement we now have equality legislation known as Section 75. This was designed to ensure fairness, openness, and above all equality for all. Section 75, in part, was about ending the situation whereby government simply made political appointments and discriminated against individuals and communities.

'The appointment of Mrs McDougall is clearly politically motivated and as such the NIO and Peter Hain did not follow any procedures or processes in line with the law - they ignored Section 75 altogether. It is not an independent appointment and will erode confidence in the post.

'This equally sets a dangerous precedent in that Section 75 can be bypassed when politically expedient, signalling that the legislation supposed to herald an new era in equality is meaningless.

'This is especially grievous given that it surrounds one of the most contentious issues which lies at the heart of resolving our conflict - victims and survivors.

'In this context I would also call on Bertha McDougall, herself a widow of the conflict, to step aside in the interests of all victims allowing for a situation whereby fairness, openness, independence and above all equality can be achieved.' ENDS

Brenda Downes can be contacted via Relatives for Justice 02890 220100

Daily Ireland

By Eamonn Houston
e.houston@dailyireland.com


BBC photo

The appointment of former RUC chief Ronnie Flanagan to oversee the development of the new Iraqi police force in the south of the country was last night branded a massive blunder by Sinn Féin’s spokesman on policing.
Gerry Kelly, MLA for North Belfast, said that the appointment of Mr Flanagan by the British government marked a “militaristic approach” to rebuilding policing in the war-torn country.
“Ronnie Flanagan is clearly the wrong person to send,” Mr Kelly said. “He was involved in the RUC Special Branch here and was in charge during one of the worst periods in the North.
“The last thing that Iraq needs is a repeat of what happened with policing here. What is needed for Iraq is the Patten proposals as a yardstick for policing. Ronnie Flanagan, while here, presided over a force accused of running state agents and collusion. He is a the wrong man for the job. Iraq needs to come out of conflict. This has to be described a a very poor appointment,” Mr Kelly said.
It emerged yesterday that Mr Flanagan has been appointed to carry out an assessment of the Iraqi police force.
British defence secretary and former direct rule secretary of state for the North John Reid said that Mr Flanagan had been asked to deliver a review of the capabilities of the new force in the British controlled sector of southern Iraq.
“Ronnie Flanagan has been sent there to find out first of all what the situation on the ground truly is as objectively as we can,” Mr Reid said.
The move comes amid concerns that the training of the new police force is not progressing as well as the Iraqi army, with fears that the police have been heavily infiltrated by the local militias.
The issue came to a head earlier this year when British troops stormed a police station in Basra following the arrest of two undercover SAS soldiers who the Iraqis refused to release.
Mr Reid said: “There’s a problem with the police in terms of split loyalties running from sympathy for the local people, right through to infiltration with the militia. That’s why we are now redoubling our efforts to make sure that these people are rooted out.
“It isn’t to say that all the police are like that. Many of them are courageous. Many have given their life in the new Iraq but some of them are rogues, some of them are corrupt and some of them have obviously entered for the wrong reasons and they’ve obviously got to be taken out”
Mr Flanagan, who has already made one visit to Basra and is planning further trips in the New Year said that progress on policing was now probably a year behind schedule.
“A total concentrated effort needs to be made by all the coalition forces, and indeed the EU, which is happening, to ensure that concentration on policing is provided,” he told the BBC’s Politics programme.
“I know of moves to remove those who are not up to standard, either in terms of their competence or in terms of the level of the integrity they bring to the job. So those things are in hand.
“Yes, they are a problem, but tremendous progress is being made.”
However, one serving British army officer – speaking anonymously – told the programme that they had already missed the chance to deal with the issue.
He said that he did not know of a single instance of British troops intervening to deal with intimidation by the Iraqi police, in incidents which ranged from “severe beatings to murder”.

Daily Ireland

The last internee to be released 30 years ago today looks back on the brutal British regime

Jarlath Kearney



Long Kesh internees in 1975 were digging an escape tunnel until the very day they were released, one of the North’s most prominent republicans revealed yesterday.
Veteran Belfast activist Martin Meehan told Daily Ireland that until internment officially ended on December 5, 1975, the 47 remaining internees were persisting with work on an escape tunnel which they hoped might be used by sentenced republican prisoners at a later date.
Mr Meehan, a former IRA commander and more recently Sinn Fein councillor, was Camp O/C of the Long Kesh internees during the latter part of internment. He became the final internee to be freed exactly 30 years ago today.
Mr Meehan also hit out at the SDLP’s recent decision in Westminster to support 28-day detention without trial, branding the move “total hypocrisy”.
He likened the British system of enforced, unlimited and arbitrary detention during internment with the modern actions of the American government in places like Guantanamo Bay.
Beginning on August 9, 1971, internment led to hundreds of mainly ordinary nationalists being held indefinitely and without charge on the arbitrary orders of political detectives from RUC Special Branch.
Despite recalling his eventual pleasure at being released, Mr Meehan explained that his moment of freedom three decades ago was also tinged with sadness.
“I remember P/O Larking coming in to the hut very early to speak to me. He was a civil man and even claimed ancestry back to Big Jim Larkin,” Mr Meehan said yesterday.
“He said quietly to me that internment was over and that the governor would tell us officially at 10 o’clock. I just let a big yell out of me. Initially some men wakened up thinking the hut was being raided, but when I told them we were going home, Larkin couldn’t get out of the hut quickly enough! When they realised I was serious, they were hugging each other and shaking hands – even men who had their differences and maybe hadn’t spoken in a year. It was one of the most poignant experiences I’ve ever had,” Mr Meehan said.
After forming up and marching once in drill formation around the Cage, Mr Meehan read a statement to the internees explaining that it was the duty of every republican present to report back to the republican movement. Men then began their release in batches of five, travelling by van from the Cages to the prison car park.
“Then there were just five of us left, including myself, Lawrence Mulholland from Bellaghy and Billy McAllister from Belfast.
“Me and Billy were the last two and I was called out in front of Billy.
“They said to me ‘you’ve made history, you’re the last detainee to get release’. And I said ‘what about Billy?’ And they said that he was going to be charged with trying to escape from Musgrave Park hospital about six months earlier – and they asked me to break the news to him.
“It was really difficult for me to tell him. I remember walking back into the Cage and looking around. There were papers and old clothes and bags lying all over the Cage where men had just packed up quickly and left.
“Billy was there with his bag all ready to go and I had to tell him the bad news that he wasn’t being released after all and that they were going to charge him with trying to escape. It was very emotional. I remember we embraced and I walked away, watching him there on his own, knowing that he must have been broken-hearted. I felt very, very sorry for him. He later told me that they just left him there on his own for hours,” Mr Meehan recalled.
However, despite the sad episode, Mr Meehan was still required to read a formal statement to the waiting media in the prison car park in his capacity as Camp O/C.
“As we were coming to the prison car park, Lawrence Mulholland had a big twenty-first birthday key that someone sent in to him as a souvenir on a card. When I went to read the statement in front of the media, I held the key up and shouted that the governor gave me the key to Long Kesh!” Mr Meehan said.
Like scores of other ex-internees, Mr Meehan recalled the comradeship in the Cages with great memories. However, he also noted the brutality and injustice of the system which the British government hoped would break the republican struggle.
“In those days of internment you were first taken away to the Crumlin Road prison and then moved by helicopter to Long Kesh. When you were in the Cages at Long Kesh, they used to hold these sham hearings where Special Branch sat behind screens to give uncorroborated evidence about you. The vast majority of the men did not participate in the so-called special courts,” Mr Meehan said.
“The people targeted were from right across the entire spectrum of the nationalist community – grandfathers in their 70s right down to young lads aged 14 or 15.
“No-one should ever forget that the British government was found guilty in the European Court of inhumane and degrading treatment for some of their actions during internment.
“The psychological and emotional damage that the brutality of internment inflicted on men and their families has been enormous and continues even to the present day. Yet despite the brutality and absolute repression of the regime, the ingenuity and creativity and resolve of the internees was an absolute inspiration,” Mr Meehan said.
While internees used their incarceration to become politically educated and consistently tried to keep each other’s morale high, Mr Meehan described the lack of a release date for internees as “soul-destroying”.
“During that entire period, the men and their families could only keep going with the support of the community. And people who always need to be properly recognised for their brilliant contribution were the bus drivers who ferried families up and down to Long Kesh, the Green Cross and the prisoners’ welfare.
“That experience which the nationalist community were forced to endure in the 1970s is the best possible reason why the SDLP should now hang their heads in shame at voting in favour of 28-day detention without trial, which they did last month in the House of Commons,” Mr Meehan said.
“For any political party claiming to represent the nationalist community voting in favour of 28-day detention and take us back to the days of internment is total hypocrisy and utterly insulting to the thousands of nationalists tortured and brutalised by such policies,” Mr Meehan said.

Sinn Féin

Published: 5 December, 2005

Sinn Féin Newry Armagh MP Conor Murphy has said that while many of his constituents will be happy at the announcement that the last 'emergency' British Army battalion, currently based in Bessbrook, will be sent back to Britain in the New Year that levels of British Army activity and harassment particularly in rural area highlighted the failure of the British government to deliver the promised programme of demilitarisation.

Mr Murphy said:

"Anything that further reduces the number of British troops stationed in the north must be welcomed.

"However, this does not equate to dealing with British Army soldiers who are still very active on the ground particularly in rural communities such as South Armagh.

"The British government must deliver on its commitment to a rolling programme of demilitarisation."

Sinn Fein demilitarisation spokesperson, Newry Armagh MLA Davy Hyland added:

"On an almost daily basis there is evidence that levels of British Army activity and harassment are negatively affecting the lives of ordinary decent people going about their daily business.

"The impact of the British Army presence on the lives of children at school, on communities, businesses and farmers cannot be underestimated.

"Transforming the political landscape demands that the British government deliver on its commitments to dismantle the British war machine." ENDS

BBC

Community restorative justice groups and the police must work hand-in-hand, the NI justice minister has said.

David Hanson was speaking as draft guidelines were published, setting out standards for officially-sanctioned community restorative justice schemes. David Hanson's guidelines could be crucial to CRJ funding.

He said the schemes, which seek to bring victims and offenders together, were "not an alternative to policing".

"It is a mechanism whereby individuals can work with the community to tackle low level crime," he said.

"But it is not an alternative to policing."

"The draft guidelines make clear that the involvement of the PSNI is not negotiable."

Mr Hanson said on Monday that both loyalist and republican groups should cooperate with the police.

Consultation

The government is to consult on the guidelines over the next three months.

The guidelines apply to "low-level criminal offences". The proposals state that it would not be appropriate to include more serious offences, including sexual offences or cases of domestic violence.

In addition, the guidelines do not relate to non-criminal matters or to "anti-social behaviour" which does not reach criminal level.

There are 14 community restorative justice schemes currently in operation in republican areas of Northern Ireland and five in loyalist districts.

Supporters of the schemes argue that they provide a positive alternative to paramilitary beatings.

However, critics fear that they could lead to the creation of a two-tier justice system.

BBC NI political editor Mark Devenport said the projects followed similar lines by seeking to bring victims and offenders together and making offenders undertake community work.

However, while the loyalist projects cooperate with the police, those in republican areas do not.

Under the proposals, the police will have to be informed if community restorative justice groups want to handle a specific case.

'No obligation'

However in republican areas, there will be no obligation on those running schemes to contact police officers directly.

Instead, they can contact the Probation Board or Youth Justice Agency, which will pass a proposal by a community restorative justice group on to the police.

Alternatively, the proposal could be passed to an advisory panel featuring the PSNI and representatives of the scheme, Probation Board or Youth Justice Agency.

The police will then consider if there needs to be any action - such as fingerprinting - before referring the case to the Public Prosecution Service, which will ultimately decide if it should be handled by a community restorative justice scheme.

Under the government's proposals, the Public Prosecution Service must in reaching its decision take into account:

# If there was an admission of guilt, confirmed by a police investigation.

# The previous offending history of the offender; the gravity of the offence.

# The views of the victim and other information considered relevant.

All the projects are currently funded privately, but that finance is expected to run out in the spring.

Agreement on government guidelines is being seen as crucial to obtaining official funding.

The Policing Board said the government should not push ahead in this area until all political parties have endorsed the current policing structures.

Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain said the government would only back the schemes if they adhered to what he called "strict police principles".

Irelandclick.com

by Francesca Ryan


Andytown Barracks as it was being dismantled - photo from An Phoblacht

Christmas cheer has arrived at a once troubled corner of West Belfast – thanks to the West Belfast Partnership Board.

Bright lights will lighten the dark history of the Andersonstown Barracks site where a twenty-five foot Christmas tree is to be illuminated this Wednesday (December 7).

An as yet unnamed local celebrity will join children from Andersonstown to flick the switch on the tree lights and an open invitation has been extended to the people of the area to come along and enjoy the occasion.

Kathy Rea, Housing and Environment Officer at the West Belfast Partnership, is very excited about the event.

“I’d like to extend an invitation to the people of West Belfast and beyond to come and enjoy this seasonal event," Kathy told the Andersonstown News.

“The Andersonstown Barracks site is synonymous with the history of the Troubles and the base itself was an eyesore on the main Falls Road. Now it’s gone, we hope the land can be reclaimed for use by the local community.

Placing a Christmas tree here symbolises hope, renewal and regeneration in a very central part of the Falls Road.

“Thousands of people pass here every day and hopefully they’ll enjoy seeing the tree lit up in the evenings. I think it’s fitting that a site once renowned for conflict will be a symbol of peace this Christmas.”

A choir of children from St Teresa’s primary school on the Glen Road will perform and Santa will also be dropping by to give treats to local children and meet and greet people under the tree.

West Belfast Partnership Chief Executive, Geraldine McAteer said: “We’ve received a lot of help getting this off the ground in a very short space of time. Special thanks go to the staff at Féile an Phobail, who shared their wealth of experience in event management with us and helped us plan key aspects of the evening.

“Dubbeljoint Productions have also kindly provided us with a stage. Thanks also to Curley’s Supermarket for their donation of goods and Award Costumes for their help. The entire event has a real sense of partnership and a positive community feel.”

The lighting of the tree takes place this Wednesday at 6.30pm.

Journalist:: Francesca Ryan

Irelandclick.com

A well-known member of a leading West Belfast Celtic supporters club has hit out angrily at the PSNI after his Poleglass home was raided last Friday.

The search party told Aidan Digney of the Eire Go Brach CSC that the raid was connected to the Northern Bank investigation. But the club official said he believed the search of his home was “nonsensical”. He said it was designed to put pressure on Chris Ward, the Northern Bank employee caught up in the robbery who has been held by the PSNI now for almost a week. Mr Ward is also a member of the Eire Go Brach club.

Mr Digney told the Andersonstown News yesterday that the PSNI officers who conducted the raid made only a cursory search of his Glenkeen home, taking two computers, one of which belongs to his 12-year-old son, and some club documents. He said that the house was left “virtually untouched” by the PSNI and added that he believed that the PSNI wanted to be able to tell Mr Ward that they were raiding colleagues’ homes in order to put him under psychological pressure.

One of West Belfast’s best known Glasgow Celtic supporters has described a police raid on his home as “nonsensical".

PSNI officers in six Land Rovers arrived at Aidan Digney's Glenkeen home at 6am on Friday morning with a warrant to search his house for information relating to the Northern Bank robbery.

Speaking to the Andersonstown News directly after the raid, a bemused Mr Digney said there was “no rhyme or reason" for the early morning visit.
“They told me they were here in relation to the robbery and asked whether I had any money or walkie-talkies in the house that they should know about. I told them that I hadn't and they put myself, my wife and kids into the kitchen whilst they carried out the search."

Mr Digney is a member of Eire go Brach CSC – the same Celtic supporters’ club as Northern Bank employee Chris Ward, who is currently being held for questioning about the robbery.

“I think this raid on my home was a tactical move for the PSNI to look like they're doing something. Also, it may be an attempt to put pressure on Chris, a sort of mental torture. You know, if they go in there and tell Chris they're raiding the homes of everyone in the [Eire Go Brach] club, they think he'll say something, but he won't because he knows nothing about the robbery. This is nothing more than psychological torture.

“I think that if they were really looking for something, they would've ripped up the floorboards and pulled out the fireplace but they left the place virtually untouched."

Mr Digney said the raid suggests that the PSNI are currently “grasping at straws" as they try to find the gang behind last December's heist.

“This is beyond ridiculous, it's futile," he said. “Are they really going to target everyone that knows Chris either through the club or through work?
“This investigation is 50 weeks ongoing. I would imagine that if anyone had anything relating to the Northern Bank robbery, it would be well gone by now. This raid makes a pitiful joke out of the investigation."

West Belfast MLA Michael Ferguson said the raid was reminiscent of the interrogations of the 1970s.

“This is symptomatic of the Castlereagh interrogations that took place in the depths of the Troubles. This raid is designed to put immoral pressure on Chris Ward and criminalise this young man who has always maintained his innocence."

The PSNI took two computers from the Digney home, one of which belongs to his 12-year-old son, and some documentation relating to the Eire go Brach Celtic Supporters Club.

The PSNI declined to comment but confirmed that they had carried out searches in the Castlereagh and Dunmurry areas in connection with the ongoing investigation into the Northern Bank robbery and that a number of items were seized.

Local Sinn Féin MLA Michael Ferguson, who’s pictured right outside Mr Digney’s home, said he also believed that the raid was aimed at piling the pressure on Mr Ward, who’s entering his seventh day in custody. On Saturday the PSNI were given permission to hold him for another 60 hours.


Journalist:: Francesca Ryan

BreakingNews.ie

05/12/2005 - 07:04:40

The SDLP will today demand Taoiseach Bertie Ahern puts pressure on the British government to drop plans for controversial legislation which could see on-the-run terror suspects avoid prosecution.

Mark Durkan, SDLP leader, has insisted that the Bill would let paramilitaries and rogue army members off the hook.

He is due to meet the Taoiseach along with a party delegation at government buildings in Dublin.

A spokesperson for the SDLP said: “We will be raising our demand for the withdrawal of the NI Offences Bill which lets state killers off the hook. We want to see it replaced by a process which serves truth and victims.

“We will also be raising the need for full protection of human rights in community restorative justice schemes; pushing our North South agenda; and looking at strategies to get the Good Friday Agreement up and running in its entirety.”

Under the Bill, those suspected of unsolved crimes during the Troubles, can avoid going to jail by applying to a certification commissioner.

Following the application on-the-run paramilitaries, rogue members of the police and army and other people suspected of crimes before 1998 may be granted a licence guaranteeing they will not be prosecuted for involvement in certain crimes.

But if they offend again, their licence may be revoked and they could be sent to jail.

An SDLP spokesperson also said the party would be voicing its concerns over the new board of the Parades Commission after prominent Portadown Orangeman was appointed to the body.

BreakingNews.ie

05/12/2005 - 07:38:22

A sworn inquiry into the case of a teenage boy who died following a night in garda custody is due to begin hearing evidence from witnesses today.

Fourteen-year-old Brian Rossiter died in hospital two days after he was found unconscious in a cell at Clonmel garda station in Co Tipperary in September 2002.

He had earlier been arrested on suspicion of a public order offence.

Justice Minister Michael McDowell has appointed barrister Hugh Hartnett to investigate the circumstances surrounding his arrest and detention.

Around 100 witnesses are expected to give evidence to Mr Hartnett during private hearings in the next three months at Dublin's Distillery Building.

BreakingNews.ie

05/12/2005 - 08:22:14

Serious questions have reportedly emerged about the qualifications of the Government's chief archaeologist.

Reports this morning said Brian Duffy, who advised the Government on matters such as the controversial Tara motorway scheme, got the job in July 2003 ahead of candidates with superior qualifications and experience.

The reports said Mr Duffy had a general BA degree in archaeology and had no track record of archaeological excavations or publications.

The latest revelation follows the recent controversy surrounding the Government's chief science adviser, who was moved to another job when it emerged that he received his PhD from a US university known to sell such qualifications over the internet.

BBC

**Many live links onsite to audio and visual resources on Best's life and death


Fans visit Best's grave to pay their respects

Fans of George Best have been visiting his grave to pay their respects to the Belfast-born soccer legend.

Staff at Roselawn Cemetery moved in overnight to lay special paths to allow people to view the grave and the hundreds of wreaths and momentoes.

Areas nearby were roped-off to prevent the public from trampling on neighbouring graves.

Among the stars who sent tributes were Elton John, Van Morrison, Mickey Rourke, Susan George and Anita Harris.

Flowers were also sent by the Prime Minster Tony Blair, the Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern, and the Duke of York.

Hundreds of people turned up at Parliament Buildings at Stormont on Sunday to watch as workmen dismantled the staging erected for Saturday's world-wide media coverage of George Best's funeral.

Best died earlier this month in London's Cromwell Hospital, several weeks after being admitted with flu-like symptoms on 1 October.


Some of the hundreds of wreaths and floral tributes at Best's grave

The 59-year-old former footballer was buried beside his mother Ann at the cemetery in the Castlereagh hills on the outskirts of east Belfast.

Best's former wives Angie and Alex, along with his last partner, Ros Hollidge, attended the funeral.

Some of the biggest names in football also attended, including his lifelong friend Denis Law and Manchester United manager Sir Alex Ferguson.

The police said an estimated 75,000 to 100,000 were on the streets and at Stormont for the funeral.

The service in the Great Hall was relayed via big screen and loudspeakers to the crowd in the grounds outside.

rsfdungannon.com



Keeping the republican tradition alive in Dungannon and East Tyrone

100 Years Unbroken Continuity - 1905 2005

"Welcome to the McKearny/McCaughey Cumann Republican Sinn Fein web site . The cumann was set up in Dungannon by true republicans with the aims of promoting republican ideals and the Eire Nua proposals."


**Click on above link to read this article. You might also particularly want to see this:


>>Brits still at the Dirty War game 2/12/05

Sunday Life

By Alan Murray
04 December 2005

A VICTIMS group says it will boycott the special court planned by the Government to deal with the crimes committed by 'On The Run' terrorists.

And Families Acting for Innocent Relatives has urged all witnesses and victims' relatives to shun the court, because they claim the proposals will scupper attempts to get at the truth surrounding the killings.

FAIR spokesman Willie Frazer warned relatives that providing evidence to the court, which is expected to be chaired by a retired High Court Judge, will render their testimony "spent and worthless".

He said he didn't expect any relative associated with FAIR to go near the 'OTR' court.

"It's our understanding that any witness statements or evidence given to this proposed court won't be able to be used in any other legal forum, whether it be in a High Court action or any other future criminal proceedings," said Mr Frazer.

"Whatever is given to this tribunal will become legally useless after it is presented so there will be no FAIR people near it.

"Does Peter Hain think I am going to forfeit the possibility of seeing my father's killer brought to justice through some shady deal with the IRA?

"I won't be near this nor do I expect any relative or witness to be at any of the events."

The Secretary of State has indicated that the Government will consider amendments to the Bill which will be debated in Committee in the Commons on Tuesday and Thursday if they have substantial support.

The DUP has already tabled 55 amendments, including a proposal to exclude from the scheme anyone guilty of murder or a similar offence for which a life sentence could be imposed.

It also proposes a separate provision for members of the security forces who might be accused of offences committed before 1998.

slnews@belfasttelegraph.co.uk

Sunday Life

By Alan Murray
04 December 2005

A SENIOR SDLP politician - who has accused the courts of being too lenient with loyalist terrorists - is to take up an offer to meet the Lord Chief Justice.

John Dallat says he also wants to ask Sir Brian Kerr his view on the legal mechanism proposed by the Government to deal with all 'on-the-run' terrorists.

The East Londonderry MLA has been critical of sentences handed out to loyalists.

Three weeks ago, Sir Brian wrote to Mr Dallat saying: "It would be preferable for you to seek my views on the background to a judicial matter before you comment publicly".

John Dallat had claimed loyalists were regularly given suspended sentences, even if they had massive criminal records.

He said: "That undermines the rule of law. There's no point bringing loyalists to court if they are going to just get away with it".

In his three-page letter, Sir Brian said the judiciary expected criticism to be "properly informed".

He added that the SDLP man's comments had only served to "undermine confidence in the criminal justice system".

John Dallat's initial response to the letter was to claim the LCJ's comments "smacked of censorship".

He said public representatives had a duty to raise important issues on behalf of their constituents when they happened, and not at some distant time in the future.

But yesterday he said he felt it would be useful to meet Sir Brian to discuss a number of matters which were concerning both nationalists and unionists.

He said: "Sir Brian has said it would be preferable for me to hear his views on the background to a number of cases before I make any further comments, and I think I will take him up on that.

"I would also like to ask him how he views this quasi-judicial set-up the Government is envisaging for the so called 'on-the-runs' and whether he would endorse it or even allow some of his judiciary to take part."

Sunday Life

By Sinead McCavana
04 December 2005

COUNCIL bosses are refusing to restore historic steps at Belfast Zoo because they plan to sell off the site for development, it was claimed yesterday.

Sunday Life launched a campaign last month to save the majestic Bellevue steps that have fallen into disrepair.

But a local conservation group that is backing our campaign has discovered that city councillors are considering re-zoning the zoo for development.

The disused area - which runs along the Antrim Road - was abandoned when a new complex was built further up Cave Hill.

Its location in north Belfast's leafy suburbs would make it a much sought-after development site.

A Belfast City Council spokeswoman confirmed yesterday that plans to sell off the old zoo are under consideration.

She said: "One of the council's proposals, as a response to the Belfast Metropolitan Area Plan, is to re-zone this excess land for development.

"But it is only a proposal and it is likely to be some time before a decision is made."

Cavehill Conservation Campaign chairman John Gray branded the proposed move "a public scandal".

Said Mr Gray: "If all Belfast council was suffering from was its habitual inertia with regard to the management and safeguarding of the Cave Hill, that would be bad enough.

"But the discovery that the 'do-nothing' agenda for the old zoo area is merely a disguise for the active contemplation of property speculation is nothing less than a public scandal."

Sunday Life approached the council in November and asked if the dilapidated steps could be restored to their former glory.

Maurice Parkinson, head of parks and cemeteries, said at the time: "It would require a significant capital investment to carry out the work necessary on them and, unfortunately, this is not among our priorities at present."

Mr Gray's group would like to see the area transformed into a scenic walking route from Belfast Castle to the main zoo entrance.

He added: "There does not appear to be any concept of a civic duty to retain public access and amenity value in this area.

"Selling off the land off will no doubt help to keep rates down in the short term.

"But, in the long term, it will reduce further the area of public park land in Belfast.

"Unfortunately, the long-term is not something which most councillors seem to concern themselves with."

Sunday Life

04 December 2005

SIR Hugh Orde has run into trouble in his bid to have the date of next year's Belfast Marathon changed.

The Chief Constable - a keen marathon runner himself - would like the traditional May Day event rescheduled and run the Sunday before.

But his views have cut no ice with members of the city council's community and recreation committee.

They are already planning a gala occasion for what will be the Belfast Marathon's 25th anniversary - and have made it clear that any change of date is a non-runner.

During this year's race, dissident republicans left an explosive device on the route in a bid to assassinate Sir Hugh.

Thousands of runners, including the Chief Constable, had already set off on the 26-mile course and had to be diverted when the device was discovered - at Gideon's Green in Newtownabbey.

But Sir Hugh's main concern about the Bank Holiday event has been the soaring cost of policing it.

Chief Superintendent Wesley Wilson revealed in a letter to the council last week that the cost of policing the 2005 race was a staggering £45,000.

Mr Wilson, who is head of operational command units in urban regions, pointed out that police overtime automatically doubled because the event was staged on the Bank Holiday Monday.

He suggested it should be run 24 hours earlier which would "significantly" reduce costs.

And his letter added: "With the reduced costs, we would be in a stronger financial position to offer continued long-term support for this event."

But councillor Jim Rodgers, a member of the community and recreation committee, said yesterday: "I can well understand policing pressures - it's a matter that Sir Hugh himself has raised in the past.

"But there is simply no way we are prepared to change the traditional date from Bank Holiday Monday.

"The Belfast Marathon is now more popular than ever in terms of competitors and spectators and plans are well underway to mark next year's 25th anniversary."

The issue is to go before the full council next month.

But Mr Rodgers added: "I can't see the decision being overturned and I earnestly hope it isn't."

The marathon organisers are, like earlier this year, planning further changes to the route following complaints from competitors.

It is also expected that next year's race will go through both the Falls and the Shankill.

Sunday Life

By Sunday Life reporter
04 December 2005

AN Armagh military base - which is due to close next month - could have a new future . . . as a police station.

Fort Mahon barracks in Portadown is being considered as a new base for local cops, who are set to move from Edward Street in the town centre.

Robert Smith, DUP deputy mayor of Craigavon, said it would be good move for both the police and civilian workers.

He said: "I would welcome the move and it would also save the cost of having to build a new police station in the Portadown area.

"A PSNI move to the Mahon site could also save a number of civilian jobs there, which would have been lost had the base closed."

But Mr Smith said he would still like to see some form of police presence retained in the centre of Portadown.

Earlier this year, the Army confirmed it intended to close Fort Mahon and relocate two companies of the RIR to Drumadd in Armagh.

The current police station in Edward Street station is unsuitable for modern-day policing.

One police source said: "Mahon has been a military base since the early 1970s and it would be an excellent location for the PSNI in Portadown.

"The buildings are in good condition and were purpose-built for the military, so they can easily be adapted to suit the needs of the PSNI.

"It would be a welcome change from the cramped conditions at Edward Street - it would also be more cost-effective than building a completely new station."

The Mahon camp has its own helicopter landing-pad, security towers, fortified sangers and CCTV system.

A public consultation process is currently under way in Portadown to discuss the closure of the Edward Street station.

The process is due to end shortly, when the local District Policing Partnership (DPP) decides the next step.

Sunday Life

Stone tells asset cops he wants his paintings back

By Stephen Breen
04 December 2005

GRAVEYARD killer Michael Stone was last night at the centre of a row with the Assets Recovery Agency (ARA) over two mystery £20,000 paintings.

The Milltown murderer told Sunday Life the two items - completed during his time in the Maze Prison - were stolen by murdered crime boss Jim 'Doris Day' Gray.

Stone claims Gray took the paintings from one of his former business associates in 2002, after the former UFF hitman was accused of 'treason'.

The killer-turned-artist claims he was living away from Northern Ireland when the paintings were taken.

He has now instructed his solicitor to ask ARA chief Alan McQuillan if his agency knows of the whereabouts of the paintings.

Stone made the request after Gray's assets - worth around £200,000 - were frozen by the ARA last month.

His assets included an interest in a house at Knockwood Park in the Clarawood Estate, proceeds from a Northern Bank draft for 10,000 euro, a BMW M5, £3000 cash, money held in several bank accounts, pensions, insurance policies and an 18-carat gold bracelet.

Stone claims his paintings may have been given to one of Gray's close pals as a "present".

Said the cemetery killer: "Gray was off his head on cocaine and he believed I was trying to take over in east Belfast.

"When I was out of the country he approached a former business associate of mine and told him the UDA was taking the paintings because I had been accused of treason.

"The business associate didn't know what to do because Gray ruled through fear in east Belfast at the time.

"I was determined to see Gray before his killing but as I'm not going to get the chance now, I want the ARA to tell me where they are. They belong to me."

Added an ARA spokeswoman: "No paintings were mentioned in the High Court and if Michael Stone contacts the ARA, we will deal with it.

"This is only the first stage of the investigation relating to Jim Gray and we don't comment on individual cases.

"There will be further enquiries into the origins of the frozen assets and into the existence of any unidentified assets, with the intention of applying for a recovery order in due course."

Gray was shot at his father's house on Tuesday, October 4 while he was on bail on money laundering charges.

The murdered gangster's finances were among the first five cases handed to the Assets Recovery boss Alan McQuillan in 2003.

Sunday Life

By Stephen Breen
04 December 2005

THE heartbroken family of an innocent loyalist feud victim have been backed in their campaign for justice - by the US army.

Sunday Life can reveal an American soldier - currently serving with the Marine Corps in Iraq - has written to two leading US senators in a bid to highlight the killing of Craig McCausland.

Sergeant Devin Leonard, from New Mexico, told relatives of the 20-year-old murder victim he has raised the case with leading Republican senator Peter Domenici, and Democrat senator Jeff Bingaman.

The two politicians, who are close friends of US congressmen Ted Kennedy, John Kerry and John McCain, are former members of the Irish American 'Ad Hoc' committee.

Although Craig's relatives have also written to around 20 congressmen in Washington, they believe a letter from a serving US marine in Iraq will can only help their campaign.

At present, e-mails sent to senators from soldiers in the war-ravaged region are usually given priority over other requests.

Said Sgt Leonard: "As an Irish American from New Mexico, I have had an interest in Northern Ireland for several years now.

"But after reading about the horrible death of Craig on the internet, I wish to offer my deepest condolences to Craig's family.

"That's why I have asked my state senators to look into this matter, and to use the influence of Irish America to push for an in-depth investigation into this matter, to help bring the cowardly perpetrators of this crime to justice.

"I have also asked that they contact Tony Blair and Peter Hain and ask them to meet with Craig's family at once.

"My prayers are with Craig's family, and hopefully Irish-America can help his family find justice."

Craig's cousin, Nichola McIlvenny, welcomed the support shown from the US marine.

Added Nichola: "I would like to thank this marine from the bottom of my heart for the help and support he has shown us.

"It is great to hear that our campaign is even being heard about in Iraq as we never thought it would leave our island.

"It is a sad time when we have to look to other nations to get justice for our loved ones who have been murdered in cold blood.

"I hope with our efforts and support from people like this man we will get the justice we deserve but have to fight for."

sbreen@belfasttelegraph.co.uk

Sunday Business Post

""Via Newshound

04 December 2005
By Paul T Colgan

The North's Police Ombudsman, Nuala O'Loan, is about to publish the first report on the shooting dead of a Catholic man by members of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).

The killing of 21-year-old Neil McConville in Ballinderry, Co Antrim, in 2003 was the first police-inflicted casualty in the North since the reform of the RUC. The Sunday Business Post has learned that O'Loan has finalised her report into the incident and that its publication is imminent.

The report is likely to prove controversial regardless of its findings. McConville's family have claimed that the shooting bore all the hallmarks of a “shoot-to-kill'‘ policy. This is denied by the PSNI.

On April 29, 2003, a PSNI unit rammed McConville's car and then fired into the vehicle, killing McConville and wounding his passenger, David Somers. Neither man was armed, but Somers was later charged with possession of a sawn-off shotgun that was found concealed in the car.

The incident was the first involving the use of lethal force by the police since the shooting of Pearse Jordan in 1992.

Human rights groups have questioned why the PSNI did not arrest McConville. The PSNI claims that McConville's car was forced up onto an embankment by a PSNI vehicle, and then rolled backwards and struck a PSNI officer - leading to an opening of fire.

McConville was shot twice in the arm and once in the chest and Somers was shot twice in his left arm.

The PSNI also claims that the car had earlier refused to stop at a police checkpoint.

McConville's family have alleged that there was a surveillance operation involving PSNI officers and a British army helicopter prior to the killing.

Sunday Business Post

04 December 2005
By Anton McCabe

Despite the current controversy over the proposed pardons for ‘on-the-runs’ in the North, de facto amnesties have been in place since the Northern state was set up.

Donal Donnelly escaped from Crumlin Road jail in 1960 while serving a 10-year sentence, and took refuge in Dublin.

“It was 29 years until I got home, but that was before the ceasefires,” said Donnelly.

“In 1989 my solicitor in Dublin wrote making representations to the Northern Ireland Office.

“I got a reply that I was free to travel to the North, but the sentence still stood.”

Danny McElduff's father, Jimmy, a wanted man after the War of Independence, returned North in the mid-1920s.

“There was a kind of an unofficial thing; there were hints from the police he wouldn't be touched,” said Danny McElduff.

“When he drifted home there was no attempt to re-arrest him. There was an ‘it's over' attitude, ‘as long as they don't rise any trouble they won't be lifted'.”

Monsignor Denis Faul facilitated the return of about four dozen ‘on the runs' in the 1970s and 1980s.

“Fellows would approach you, and then you would approach the police of a senior rank and say, ‘have you anything on the books against Mr so-and-so',” Monsignor Faul said.

“To be fair to the police, they said yes or no.

“Nobody who came back was ever arrested.

“The RUC could have captured fellows – they never broke their word.”

Sinn Féin's Conor Murphy was on the run in the late 1980s. “I was aware there was an arrest-on-sight warrant from the RUC for me,” he said.

“I stayed in the south for a number of months. I met Pat Finucane in Dublin, we talked through the circumstances.

“He felt there was no evidence to convict me.

“We talked through whether we should challenge the warrant.

“A while after, I was arrested on my way to a funeral in Tyrone, held for five days.

“I wasn't arrested subsequently. If I hadn't decided to challenge that, I could be still sitting in the south.”

BBC


The main parade in Derry passed off without major incident

Three men have been charged with disorderly behaviour following disturbances in Castlederg on Saturday.

Three police officers were hurt during the trouble which flared as Apprentice Boys returned from Lundy celebrations in Derry.

It is understood the marchers tried to go through a nationalist area.

Parades Commission members consulted with police before the Apprentice Boys were allowed to walk part of the way down the Lurganboy Road in the town.

The Sinn Fein assembly member for West Tyrone, Barry McElduff, said the Parades Commission determination had banned the parade from entering the nationalist part of the town.

"Listening to the people on the ground in Castlederg, nationalists are very, very unhappy at the fact that this loyalist parade was able to enter the Lurganboy Road area of Castlederg," he said.

Disorderly

"Certainly, this is a matter I'll be taking up directly with the Parades Commission and indeed, Irish government minister Dermot Ahern."

Three men, aged 20, 33 and 28, were charged with disorderly behaviour and other offences and will appear at Strabane Magistrates Court later this month.

Earlier on Saturday, the annual Apprentice Boys parade to mark Lundy's Day in Londonderry passed off without major incident.

However, police officers were atacked by youths throwing stones and bottles at Butcher's Gate.

There were five arrests, but the PSNI said they were generally pleased at how the day had gone.

Originally, 3,500 marchers, including 25 bands, were due to take part in the parade, but numbers were affected due to George Best's funeral in Belfast.

The parade marks the 316th anniversary of the shutting of Derry's gates by 13 young apprentices against the forces of the Catholic King James II in 1688.

Bandsman marched in the Ardoyne area of Belfast, before heading to Derry.

The PSNI said they had intended to police the Derry event in a way which would enable city life to continue as normally as possible.

Police said they would seize drink and said anyone displaying illegal emblems would have them confiscated and could face prosecution.

Restrictions

The Parades Commission placed conditions on the parade by the Ligoniel Walkers Club in north Belfast.

No music other than a single drumbeat was to be played between the junction of Crumlin Road and Hesketh Road and the junction of Woodvale Parade and Woodvale Road.


There were some minor disturbances surrounding the parade

Earlier this week, Belfast Ulster Unionist councillor Jim Rodgers suggested the parade should be postponed as a mark of respect to George Best's family on the day of his funeral.

However, DUP assembly member William Hay said it would not be possible due to the large numbers of people who were going to Derry from England, Scotland and Wales.

Colonel Robert Lundy is reviled by loyalists as a traitor.

He was governor of Derry when the city came under siege from King James' army and his notoriety stems from his efforts to persuade the defenders to surrender.

Sunday Business Post

04 December 2005
By Paul T Colgan

In politics, strangely enough, the best way to play your cards is to lay them face upwards on the table. – HG Wells.

After all the protestations, the teary-eyed speeches, the indignation and the moralising, the so-called ‘on the runs' (OTRs) will soon be coming home.

Paramilitary members suspected of being involved in incidents such as the Enniskillen bombing will be free to return to Ireland within months, while members of the British security forces who colluded with loyalist death squads are likely to escape prosecution.

By all accounts, the Taoiseach is determined to have presidential pardons granted to a handful of paramilitaries, and the British prime minister is willing to force through parliament similar legislation at all costs.

For those who have taken even a passing interest in the peace process in the past five years, the return of the OTRs is neither startling nor surprising.

The two governments hammered out a deal at the Weston Park talks in 2001 designed to cover those individuals who missed out on the amnesty granted to hundreds of paramilitary prisoners released from the Maze prison following the Good Friday Agreement.

The deal, well-publicised at the time, was later enshrined in the Joint Declaration of 2003. It has been described as a tidying-up operation.

But all the political parties in Ireland and Britain, barring Fianna Fáil, Sinn Féin and the British Labour Party, now oppose the legislation proposed by the British and Irish governments.

Fine Gael has claimed that Bertie Ahern's plans to grant presidential pardons to paramilitary suspects and escaped prisoners will drag President Mary McAleese into a constitutional crisis.

The DUP, just as it objected to the original prisoner release scheme, opposes the return of the OTRs on the grounds that it is unjust and will constitute an intolerable ordeal for the victims of paramilitary violence.

The SDLP is calling for the scrapping of the proposed British legislation, as it enables members of the security forces who colluded in the killing of innocent nationalists to avoid justice.

In the Republic, an eligibility board will vet applications from OTRs before passing them to the Department of Justice for its consideration.

The cabinet will then study candidates before finally recommending to President McAleese that they be granted a presidential pardon.

In the North, individuals wanted for questioning by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) will be granted similarly smooth passage under the terms of the Northern Ireland Offences Bill.

When an OTR arrives home, the PSNI or the Director of Public Prosecutions will inform them that there is a case pending against them.

On foot of this, the OTR will then instruct their solicitor to make a submission to a quasi-judicial tribunal set up to examine the charges levelled at them.

There will be no requirement for the OTR to attend the tribunal.

If found guilty of the charges, the individual will then receive a certificate that frees him or her on licence.

Only if they re-offend will they be subject to a prison sentence.

The two processes will allow several notable OTRs to return to Ireland if they wish.

Among those free to enter the North without fear of prosecution will be:

Charlie Caufield - a former republican prisoner who has been named by unionist MPs in the British House of Commons as having taken part in the Enniskillen bombing in 1987. Caufield is thought to reside in the US

Sinn Féin's US representative, Rita O'Hare. O'Hare has been on the run for over 30 years after she jumped bail in 1975. She is wanted for questioning about the ambushing of a squad of British soldiers in 1971

IRA man Liam Averill, nicknamed ‘Mrs Doubtfire' after he escaped from the Maze prison dressed as a woman in 1997, is still at large and thought to be living in Donegal

Owen Carron, Bobby Sands' election agent and former MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, who jumped bail in 1986 after he had been arrested for possession of a machine-gun

Evelyn Glenhomes, wanted in connection with a number of IRA bombings in England in the 1980s

Robert Campbell, thought to be living in the Republic, is still wanted by the PSNI after he escaped from Belfast's Crumlin Road jail in 1980

Michael Rogan, suspected of bombing British army headquarters in Lisburn in 1996

Michael Quinn, wanted by both the British and the German authorities in connection with a mortar attack on a British army base in Osnabruck, Germany in 1996.

While detailed legislation has only made its way into the public domain in recent weeks, the basic plans were sketched out by the two governments over four years ago.

What has happened in the meantime has alarmed nationalists and republicans.

Under the terms of the proposed British legislation, members of the security forces found guilty of a ‘scheduled offence' committed before Good Friday 1998 will also be granted amnesty.

The SDLP, backed by the Labour party, Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats, has alleged that Sinn Féin knowingly signed up to this deal.

Leader Mark Durkan has accused Sinn Féin of “colluding'‘ with the British security forces in covering up crimes committed against nationalists.

Sinn Féin denies this, saying that not once during negotiations were members of the security forces mentioned.

Republicans allege that officials from the Northern Ireland Office managed to force this aspect into legislation within recent months and behind the back of Sinn Féin.

One upshot of the legislation is that the soldiers responsible for killing civilians in Derry on Bloody Sunday would escape prosecution, whatever the findings of the Saville Inquiry.

It is also conceivable that members of the security forces suspected of involvement in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings could benefit from the legislation.

Equally alarming for nationalists is the possibility that scores of British soldiers and RUC officers who colluded with loyalist death squads could avoid justice.

Tribunals on the murders of Catholic solicitors Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson, while perhaps getting to the bottom of what went on between the security forces and loyalist gunmen, would not lead to the imprisonment of those involved.

The work of the British-appointed Historical Inquiries Team, set up to examine hundreds of unsolved murders in the North, could also be scuppered by the new legislation.

The team is obliged to report any evidence it unearths of apparent RUC wrongdoing to the North's Police Ombudsman, Nuala O'Loan.

According to informed sources, scores of cases are likely to be referred to O'Loan once the team formally takes up its task next month.

The SDLP has called for the legislation to be scrapped, while Sinn Féin maintains that it is demanding that the offending clause dealing with the security forces be removed.

Neither scenario is likely.

While the bill is expected to encounter severe difficulties in the British House of Lords, Westminster-watchers still expect that it will eventually see the light of day, albeit with some minor modifications.

Sources said Blair was determined to wrap up the issue as quickly as possible, and would resort to invoking the Parliament Act, which enables the House of Commons to override any objections from the upper house.

Many in the British security apparatus have a vested interest in seeing the legislation pushed through.

Irish government sources said that any concerns over presidential pardons being unconstitutional were misplaced, and the plans had the backing of the Attorney General.

Times Online

Liam Clarke
December 04, 2005

SENIOR police officers will today join the widespread opposition to the Northern Ireland Offences Bill, which frees anyone guilty of murder or other crimes during the Troubles of the fear of imprisonment.

Chief superintendent Stephen Grange has warned that the bill risks undermining public confidence in the entire criminal justice system. Grange, who is the police commander in south Belfast, made his comments in a submission by the Superintendents’ Association of Northern Ireland to David Hanson, the security minister, which will be made public today.

Grange said his members had been particularly incensed by provisions in the bill that grant members of the security forces the same benefits and privileges as terrorist suspects.

“We are not aware of any officers who are outside the UK avoiding justice. Any police officer or soldier who has broken the law should undergo due process like any other citizen,” he said.

The bill, which enters committee stage in the House of Commons this week, is the result of a 2003 agreement between the British government and Sinn Fein to allow on-the-run terrorist suspects (OTRs) to return home without fear of imprisonment.

It provides for anyone in a paramilitary group on recognised ceasefire who is suspected of a Troubles-related offence to be tried by a special tribunal. The bill allows the suspects full legal aid and does not require them to attend the tribunal or answer questions. If they are found guilty, the conviction goes on their record but they are immediately released on licence.

When he introduced the bill last month Peter Hain, the secretary of state, said that in order to be even-handed he would allow any members of the security forces who were charged with collusion or other offences committed before the signing of the Good Friday agreement to be treated in the same favourable way.

The superintendents’ association is enraged by the concession, which it condemns as an “odious linkage, indeed equivalence” between “terrorist suspects who have fled justice” and “serving/former police officers, or members of Her Majesty’s armed forces”.

Opposition to the bill now extends to all political parties in Northern Ireland. Even Sinn Fein, which was alone in welcoming the bill, now says it does not agree with its present form. It is also opposed by all the opposition parties in the House of Commons and influential Labour backbenchers including Kate Hoey and Paul Murphy, Hain’s predecessor.

Both nationalist and republican victims’ groups have demanded that the act be scrapped, and senior British government officials privately concede that amendments will have to be made.

The Boston Globe

"The Irish people need to reclaim the spirit of 1916," Ireland's prime minister, Bertie Ahern, recently declared. But not everybody in Ireland agrees on how to reclaim it.

By Kevin Cullen | December 4, 2005


Click to view - From the ashes - British troops in the gutted interior of Dublin's General Post Office, virtually demolished by British shell fire during the 1916 Easter Rising (Time Inc.)

DUBLIN --WHEN BERTIE AHERN, Ireland's prime minister, recently declared it was time to reinstate the military parade that used to commemorate the Easter Rising, the quixotic and short-lived rebellion launched by a small band of Irish republicans against the British empire in 1916, the idea was both embraced and rejected here as revolutionary.

''The Irish people need to reclaim the spirit of 1916, which is not the property of those who have abused and debased the title of republicanism,'' Ahern declared at his Fianna Fáil party's conference in October, in a not too subtle dig at Sinn Féin, the party long considered the political wing of the Irish Republican Army and now a rising force in Irish politics.

The term ''republican,'' once meant to embrace anyone who wanted an independent, united Ireland, became synonymous in the 1970s with someone who supported the IRA's campaign of violence. But in recent years, and especially since the IRA announced last July that its armed campaign was over, there has been a concerted effort by Irish nationalists who didn't support the IRA to reclaim the republican mantle.

And yet, if everybody in the Republic of Ireland, as it seems, wants to be known as a republican these days, not everybody agrees on how to celebrate the country's violent birth-and many see the whole issue as having as much to do with contemporary partisan politics as with historical, deeply felt nationalism.

Crushed in five days, the Easter Rising of 1916 was unpopular with most Irish. But the British government (not for the first or last time) badly misread Irish opinion. They executed 15 of the Rising's leaders, and in doing so elevated an act of hopeless rebellion to that of selfless martyrdom. Within six years, a more popular and effective guerrilla war forced the British to sue for peace and grant independence to 26 of Ireland's 32 counties.

For nearly half a century, the idealism and sacrifice of the 1916 leaders were celebrated every Easter, as Ireland's small military forces paraded past the General Post Office, the rebel headquarters, on O'Connell Street, Dublin's main thoroughfare. But that patriotic display was mothballed in 1970, after conflict broke out in Northern Ireland, and the Provisional IRA, claiming to have inherited the role of the 1916 rebels, began an armed campaign against British rule in the six counties left out of the earlier settlement.

The IRA had little support in the Republic of Ireland, where most people were horrified by its bombings and assassinations. There is, here in the south of Ireland, a widely held view that the murder and mayhem carried out by the ''old'' IRA in the 1920s was noble and necessary, while the same sort of acts committed by the modern-day Provisional IRA were neither.

Ahern's motives in proposing the revival of the military parade are partly personal. Among the handful of paintings that hang in his office is a portrait of one of his heroes, Padraig Pearse, the Easter Rising leader. But, according to some analysts, his motives are also political: Once reviled in the Republic, Sinn Féin's political support is growing, and polls suggest it will add to the five seats it holds in the 166-seat Irish parliament at the next general election, which must be held by 2007, making it a potential kingmaker in the next coalition government. Ahern has ruled out Fianna Fáil, Ireland's largest party, having Sinn Féin as a coalition partner after the next election.

Maurice Manning, a historian and former senator for Fine Gael, Ireland's second largest party, sees Ahern's plan to reinstate the military parade, coupled with a plan announced last month to convert the General Post Office into a national monument, as ''a panic move by Bertie and Fianna Fáil.''

''This is all about short-term politics,'' says Manning. ''I wouldn't say the country is coming to terms with its revolutionary past. Irish people don't like to talk about this.''

Manning said there is a tradition of rival parties ''airbrushing'' each other out of the history of Irish nationalism. He said Eamon de Valera, the Fianna Fáil founder, had the words of the Irish national anthem altered in the 1930s, changing a reference to Fine Gael to one about Fianna Fáil.

''Sinn Féin is trying to do to Fianna Fáil what Fianna Fáil did to Fine Gael,'' said Manning. ''In Ireland, there is a tendency of history to repeat itself.''

It isn't just Fianna Fáil that wants to reclaim some of the revolutionary chic that Sinn Féin has used to raise its political profile in the Republic (and millions of dollars in the United States). Fine Gael last week held a ceremony to pointedly note that Arthur Griffith, who founded Sinn Féin in 1905, also founded a separate group that went on to become Fine Gael after the Irish Civil War in 1923.

''It is vital that we rediscover and celebrate the true, inclusive Sinn Féin, not the version of the party and its ethos that has been hijacked by a certain section of Irish nationalism to achieve its own narrow ends,'' said Enda Kenny, Fine Gael's leader.

Martin Ferris, one of five Sinn Féin members of the Dail, Ireland's parliament, scoffed at what he called Fine Gael's blatant attempt to hijack Sinn Féin's growing popularity. Ferris, a former IRA commander, embodies the remarkable transformation of the republican movement. In 1984, he was arrested on a boat off the Irish coast after it had taken on $1 million worth of weapons and ammunition that had sailed out of Boston Harbor, bound for the IRA. A few years ago, he stood on the deck of a boat sailing on Boston Harbor, the guest of honor on a Sinn Féin fund-raising cruise.

By announcing at his party's annual conference plans to reinstate the Easter parade, Ahern allowed his political enemies to dismiss the move as partisan. But even beyond those who see Ahern's moves as politically motivated, some are uncomfortable with the thought of using a military parade to celebrate the founding of a country that, for all its revolutionary roots, sees itself today as proudly nonbelligerent and nonaligned.

Mary Banotti is the grand-niece of Michael Collins, a 1916 leader who dodged execution, led the guerrilla army that won partial independence, and signed the Anglo-Irish Treaty ending the war with the British, only to be shot dead as a traitor by former comrades. Sitting in a restaurant here last week, Banotti seemed torn when the subject of the parade was raised.

''I remember enjoying the parade as a child,'' said Banotti, whose great-uncle founded the Irish army. ''But I have grave doubts about the wisdom of bringing back the parade. My sense is that it will be divisive, rather than bring people together.''

Larry Murray, a Dublin taxi driver, was more enthusiastic. He always voted Fianna Fáil, until recently when, in his late 40s, he switched his allegiances to Sinn Féin candidates for the first time.

''I'm a republican, always was. It's only now that I can say that quite openly,'' said Murray, standing near Boland's Mills, the building that de Valera occupied while trying to hold off British troops in 1916. ''It's time the country celebrated its roots.''

Manning, the historian, doubts that celebrating the country's revolutionary roots is the same as debating and learning from them.

''If you called for a debate of 1916 today,'' Manning says, ''you'd have an empty hall.''


Kevin Cullen, the Globe's former Dublin bureau chief, is a projects reporter for the Globe.

The Observer

Sean O'Hagan joins a nation in mourning at a sombre, respectful and heartfelt tribute

Sunday December 4, 2005
The Observer


George Best - 1946-2005

It rained. And then, it rained some more. Belfast rain, drizzly and relentless, falling down over the city and its countless steeples, and the hills beyond. And yet they came in their tens of thousands, lining the streets of Cregagh in east Belfast, the Knockbreda dual carriageway, the rainswept roads around Stormont Castle, and the long sweep that is Prince of Wales' Avenue from the ornate gates to the steps of the parliament building.

They came from Belfast, and Northern Ireland, and from over the border, and across the sea. And though they applauded as the cortege passed, and threw flowers, and turned several sites in the city into impromptu shrines, the event that many had thought would teeter into showbiz artifice, and a collective outpouring of grief, somehow not quite real, was, in fact, the opposite: sombre, respectful, heartfelt. Even in death, then, George Best surprised us.

At times, as the cortege moved slowly up the long hill to Stormont Castle, or during the minute's silence broken only by the familiar whirr of helicopters, or as the coffin was carried slowly up the steps, past the young boys from the Cregagh team in their pristine, all-white strips, it seemed as if they were burying not a sportsman but a statesman. Which, in a way, against all the odds, and in the face of his cavalier life, he was. Or, in death, has become.

'He was one of us,' said a young lad in a Northern Ireland shirt, who had somehow found a way past security and onto the lawn just below the steps. Not yet into his teens, the boy had picked up on the mood that had prevailed throughout the week since Best's passing. Whoever you talked to, from the young who celebrated his passing in alcohol-fuelled homage in the city centre bars, to those old enough to have seen him shine in the green shirt of his homeland, from the Manchester United faithful in the Red Devils' bar on the Falls to the Northern Ireland Supporters' club on the Shankhill, they all said more or less the same thing. 'He was one of us.' In a place where heroes remain thin on the ground, George Best, the tarnished genius who never quite fulfilled his destiny on or off the pitch, seems, in death, to have passed in Northern Irish lore from the merely legendary into the near-mythical.

Despite the attendance of the great and the good from the world of sport, entertainment and politics, this, though, was truly 'a people's funeral', not least because the Best family wished - and willed - it so. They insisted that it take place on Saturday so that people would not have to take a day off work. They insisted that 10 people at random were selected from the crowd to attend the service in the great hall. And, in return, their wish for a time to grieve in private was respected, too. After it was all over, the pomp and circumstance, the mass celebration, they buried their son, their brother, their father in peace.

The great homecoming came at midday on Friday, when a private plane paid for by two anonymous local businessmen brought George Best back to Belfast for the final time. In the soft morning rain a Scottish piper played a lament as the coffin, draped in a Manchester United flag, was carried the short distance from the runway of RAF Aldergrove to the waiting hearse. Best's son, Calum held his grandfather, Dickie, in a tight embrace. From that moment, the tone was set, the sense of a private occasion that was never quite overwhelmed by the grandeur of the public event.

As the hearse moved slowly out of the airport grounds, workers who had gathered nearby, lining the grass verges, broke into applause. On the main road, small crowds were gathered in the rain on every fly-over, silent and respectful. Bestie, the Belfast boy, was beginning the final leg of his long journey home.

On Friday evening, around six, I walked through the streets of the Cregagh estate in east Belfast, the same streets George played on as a child when the Troubles had not yet begun, and Belfast was a more innocent, and yet still tribally divided, town. The area somehow retains some of that innocence, the surrounding houses mostly owned by middle-class Catholics now, the streets still tidy and clean.

The playing fields of the Cregagh estate, where Best first learnt his trade, discovered his God-given talent, were almost waterlogged. The drizzle settled on our heads, and on the heads of the small gaggle of pilgrims who had gathered at a makeshift shrine beneath two grey high rises. On the perimeter fence of the playing field, a blood red, rain-sodden banner proclaimed a simple and direct message, 'Cregagh loves George Best', enclosed in a golden heart. Nearby, a Red Hand of Ulster flag had been customised to read: 'Maradona Good, Pele better, George...Best'. A laminated photograph of Best in his prime, heading goalwards in a red shirt, flapped in the wind. On it was stencilled the words: 'Where it All Began'. On Burren Way, policemen in yellow rainproofs patrolled the barrier-lined pavement, an echo of another time, not that long ago, when a Belfast funeral could easily become a flashpoint. Now there is only silence and peace.

A policeman waved me down the street to 16 Burren Way, the small, redbrick house in a row of similar houses, a maze of similar streets, where George grew up, where his body was now resting. The neatly trimmed hedge and well-tended lawn, Dickie's pride and joy, were strewn with football shirts and scarves, makeshift flags, banners, posters, and shrink-wrapped flowers that rustled softly in the rain. A garden of memories.

John from Ligoneil, on the other side of the city, had taken two buses, and a long walk, to get here, his hooded top hanging heavy with rain over his pale, spotty adolescent face. 'I never knew him, like,' he said, lest there be any misunderstanding, 'I just knew of him. Like everyone here, I grew up with George Best stories. I just got it into my head that I had to come and do something personal for George. It's sad, like, because he's the only hero we had. There's nobody else in that league, is there?'

As we talked, George's father, Dickie, well-respected around here as a quiet and private man, appeared briefly at the door to chat with the policeman who had just taken over guard duty. A cup of tea was proffered and politely refused. Hospitality, east Belfast style, as unchanging as the well-tended streets, the neatly trimmed hedges.

It is easy to forget that, amid all the violence and sectarianism of this troubled town, that this kind of quiet Northern Irish grace was a constant too, and remains so. Dickie Best and his family stayed here, though all the dark times, until George got the message and stopped trying to install them in grander houses in warmer climes. This was, is, and now always will be, the Best family home, as familiar and settled as George's nomadic life was exotic and wayward. Now, finally, it is his home once again.

The pilgrims arrived in a steady, silent trickle, carrying yet more flowers, scarves, jerseys. They stopped in silence to peruse the white wreath that spelt the words LEGEND, the United shirt in red carnations, the snatches of street poetry: 'The greatest Number Seven joins football's first eleven'. In a weekend of grand drama, and not a little artifice, the mourners who came to Burren Way, to stand, silent and respectful, in the falling rain, must surely have felt like I felt, if only for a few moments: humbled, grateful, sad.

This really was where it all began. This remnant of an older Belfast, untouched by bomb or bullet, touched only by the genius of its most famous son. It would have taken a tougher man than me not to shed a tear, standing outside that small redbrick house where Bestie now lay in repose, safe again finally in the arms of his family.

Later still on Friday, in the opulent Victorian decor of Belfast's most famous bar, the Crown, the locals are almost outnumbered by outsiders, Southerners mainly, lads from Dundalk, Cork, Kildare, Mayo, and beyond. Frank 'Dusty' Flanagan from Drogheda actually saw Best play, albeit in decline, when the legend turned out for Cork Celtic against Drogheda United back in the mid-Seventies. 'Just a few touches, really', he says, smiling now at the memory, 'That's all that was left of the genius, but the place was packed to the rafters. He was a pop star, really, he had the charisma'. Dusty's mate, Michael Murphy, from Dundalk, finally asks the question that has been nagging at them all day, 'Will we be safe enough up in east Belfast?' Someone else says: 'Maybe we should change our accents, eh?'.

I'm thinking the same thing as I head off to meet Winston 'Winky' Churchill Rea, the treasurer and self-appointed 'head honcho' of the 'First Shankill Northern Ireland Supporters Club'. This is one of the social hubs of the Protestant heartlands, where martial murals to the fallen heroes of the UVF adorn every gable wall. There is a steel door and security intercom at the entrance to the bar. Old familiars from another time. The clientele are working class loyalist, true and true, old faces and young faces looking equally hard-bitten. Winky makes us welcome, shows us the hundreds of red roses he has ordered for the local children to throw on the funeral route on the big day. 'Around the death of George Best, what has gripped me most is the sense of unity', says Winky over a pint of Guinness in a corner of the bar, beneath a framed photo of George and the great Northern Irish goalkeeper, Pat Jennings, 'It's over 10 years since the ceasefire and the progress has been painfully slow, but, since last Friday when the news broke, it's like the two communities have united in his memory. Who else could do that? You have to cling to moments like this, you have to build on them.'

On the nearby Falls Road, where the flags are green, the murals mainly provo, the sentiment was the same. Three Manchester United obsessives from Cork compare tattoos with two locals, all a bit the worse for wear from drink. 'It's a wake, isn't it', says one, 'a wake for Georgie. We'll show the world tomorrow what Ireland can do when it honours one of its own.' One of the Belfast lads claims it will be 'the biggest funeral since Bobby Sands'. How do they feel about going up to Stormont to pay their respects. 'It's our place too, now,' says one. 'It's Georgie's place now,' says another.

Earlier that evening, the photographer and myself had walked around the grounds of Stormont, and found a rehearsal for the next day's event underway. In eerie silence, people were filing up and down the steps and disappearing into the great hall. At the entrance, we spot Billy Bingham, manager of Northern Ireland when Best was in his prime, alongside Derek 'The Doog' Dougan, the great centre forward who had to wait in vain for one of Best's pinpoint crosses. 'We're the old contemptibles', quips Billy. 'We're here to do our bit for George'.

People begin queuing outside the gates of Stormont in the early hours of Saturday morning, many the worse for wear. Many are sporting strips beneath their umbrellas, not just in the colours of Manchester United and Northern Ireland, but in those of local teams like Glentoran and Glenavon. Later, in the grounds, while we waited for the cortege, I spot two lads sporting Cork City tops beneath their hoodies. Dermot and Joe had travelled the eight hours from Cork, and had blown most of their spending money on a shared room in the Hilton. 'We wanted to pay our respects in person, ' said Dermot, shivering in the wet wind. 'They can say what they like about his drinking and all the rest, but the man was a genius. An Irish genius.'

In the great hall, the next morning, the service moved between the stately and the anecdotal. Denis Law, Best's old team mate, and Professor Roger Williams, Best's physician in the final years, raised smiles with their tales of the man's legendary waywardness. 'Doctors are always warned never to get too close to their patients', said the man Best referred to simply as the Prof, 'but that was not so easy when the patient was George Best.' Best's son, Calum, recited two poems, the latter of which reduced him, and the audience, inside and out, to tears. Among the select three hundred, were two wives, Angie and Alex, several teammates, including Harry Gregg, a veteran from the original Busby Babes team, and Munich plane crash survivor, as well as Ole Gunnar Solskjaer, who appeared to be the only player present from the current team. Fergie was there, of course, and Sven-Goran Eriksson, as well as Martin McGuinness and Peter Hain. No sign of Van the Man, though, nor Bobby Charlton.

Outside, the rain stopped, and, as if on cue, the piper played another lament, and the vast crowd began applauding their fallen hero, tentatively at first, then wholeheartedly, the sound echoing around the vast grounds of the castle. Then, they placed George Best's body into the hearse for the final time, and he commenced his final journey home to east Belfast.

The crowds applauded him all the way, one last time. Then, they fell away as if on a silent signal, and left his family alone to bury their beloved in quiet dignity beside his mother, Ann, in Roselawn Cemetery. United once more. Safe at last. God love you, Bestie, may you rest in peace.

ON THIS DAY

**See also SAS Execution

4 December 1983

SAS soldiers involved in an undercover operation in Northern Ireland have shot dead two IRA gunmen and injured a third man who escaped.

He is being sought by police following the incident which took place a few miles from Coalisland, an area of County Tyrone known for IRA activity.

No soldiers are believed to have been injured during the attack.

The two men who died have been named as Brian Campbell and Colm McGirr.

Challenge

They were local men believed to be in their early twenties and who were known to be members of the Provisional IRA.

It is understood the SAS patrol, which has been operating in the area, came across the two IRA gunmen who were both armed.

One is understood to have been holding an Armalite rifle and the other a shotgun.

The soldiers challenged both men and when they did not respond the patrol opened fire, killing the two men.

A third man escaped in a car and the soldiers believe they shot the driver.

The vehicle was later found abandoned a few miles away with blood stains on the seats.

Brian Campbell was the brother of one of the 19 IRA men who are still on the run after he broke out of Belfast's Maize Prison in September.

It is not known if the SAS were lying in wait for the men but there has been increased covert activity by the security forces since the murder of three Protestant church elders in South Armagh.

Gunmen had opened fire on a church congregation at Darkley Church during a Sunday evening service last month killing the men and injuring seven others.

In Context

The Provisional IRA admitted Brian Campbell, aged 19, and Colm McGirr, aged 23, were its members.

It later transpired they were shot as they approached an IRA arms dump.

Many of their supporters said they had been victims of "shoot-to-kill" state aggression and an unjust murder.

Army regulations allow soldiers to open fire without warning if by not doing so they would increase the risk of death or injury to themselves or anyone else.

Five years later there was a similar ambush in Gibraltar in March 1988 when three unarmed members of the IRA were shot and killed by members of British special forces.

BBC ON THIS DAY

**See McGurk’s - witness breaks 30-year silence

4 December 1971


Many victims were buried under the wreckage of the demolished pub

At least 10 people, including a 13-year-old boy and a woman, have been killed and 17 injured after a bomb exploded in a crowded pub in Belfast.

The bomb is believed to have been placed near the front entrance of McGurk's Bar, in North Queen Street in a mainly Catholic area of the city.

The building was demolished instantly by the explosion. Many customers were trapped under the rubble.

One man who ran from a nearby shop after the blast said, "There was just a great cloud of smoke where the pub was, and soot all over everything. There was nothing left of it."

John Irvine, whose wife was killed in the explosion, described how he was caught in the blast as he sipped a glass of stout.

"The next thing, chairs and tables were piled up all around me and a roof beam was slung across my chest, pinning me in my seat," he said.

"I do not know how long I was there. Then I heard someone shout to bring the hose. The firemen doused me and all around me to stop the fire getting to me.

"I was conscious all the time but I went out after they had freed me."

Volunteers have been working throughout the night helping police and firemen rescue the injured.

Doctors also treated eight people wounded by gunfire during clashes shortly after the blast.

Fighting broke out between Protestant and Catholic crowds, and an army major and two policemen were wounded.

Police suspect the IRA planted the bomb, although it remains a mystery why the attack should have been carried out in a Catholic area.

McGurk's Bar was frequented by Catholics, although it is not believed to have had any connection with the IRA.

One theory is that the bomb went off by mistake. But an Official IRA spokesman in Dublin condemned the attack and said its members had "nothing to do with it".

A similar denial came from the Provisional IRA.

Republicans believe it was planted by loyalist paramilitaries. A backlash has long been feared after the IRA blew up a number of bars in Protestant areas this autumn.

In Context

The final number of people to have died was 15, including two children and three women. The McGurk's Bar bombing was the first major atrocity of the Troubles.

The wife and 12-year-old daughter of the landlord, Thomas McGurk, were among those who died. His three sons and Mr McGurk himself were injured.

The theory that the explosion was caused by an IRA bomb which went off by accident continued to hold currency for years after the incident.

Then in 1977, the driver of the getaway car confessed to his part in the attack, and it became clear that it was carried out by the loyalist paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF).

The driver received 15 life sentences, and remains the only person ever to have been convicted in relation to the bombing.

A memorial was unveiled on the site of the bar in 2001 to mark the 30th anniversary of the McGurk's Bar bombing.

The families are calling on the authorities to re-open the investigation into the bombing, and for an inquiry into the events surrounding the atrocity.